GIFT    OF 
JANE  K.SATHER 


CASE 
B 


VINDICATIO  N 


O  F 


MR.      R  A  N  D  O  L  P  H's 


RESIGNATION. 


PHILADELPHIA: 

PRINTED  BY  SAMUEL  H.  SMITH, 

N  O.  118,  C  H  E  S  N  U  T  STREET, 


M.DCC.XCV, 


£3\\ 


N°.    no. 

D'iftrift  of  Pennfylvania,  to  wit. 


( 


SEAL. 


V 
J 


BE    IT    REMEMBERED,  that  on  tJM 
Ko-.  ember,  in  the  twentieth  yearof  thelm' 
United  States  of  America,  SAMUEL  HARRT.SC 
the  laid  Difln«,  hath  depofited  in  this  Office 
the-  right,  whereof  he  claims  as   PFOPRIE 
fallowing  to  wit  i 


A  vindication  of  Mr.  Randolph's  Refignation." 


i  conformity  to  the  Aft  of  the  Congrefs  of  the  United  States,  intitled 
encouravemeut  of  learning  by  fecuring  the  copies  of  Maps,  Charts  and 
Authors  and  Pjcpnetcis  of  fuch  copies  outing  the  times  therein  mem 

SAM:    CALDWELL,    Clerk  ef  the  I 


;         . 


idcr  is  defired  to  correct   the  following  inaccuracies 
ur  in  a  few  copies. 

S,  lines  6  and  7  from  the  bottom,  read  thus,  "  affai 
.   itinue    in  fecrecy  under  your  injunction.     For,  after 
myfelf  for  a  more  fpecific  inveftigati'on  of  all  thefe 
:K  ns,  I  here,  &c." 

line  6   from  the  top,  for  apparent  read  abhorrent. 

line  9  from  the  bottom,  read  the article,  inflead 


r.l  of  a  Letter  from  Mr.  Randolph  to  the  Printer. 

^  ill  be  pleafed  to  direct  any  perfon,    who  choofes  to 
ie  French  or  other  originals  to  my  friend  John  R. 
!   q.  in  whofe  hands  they  will  be  left/' 


324584 


STATEMENT 


OF 


\     C     T     S, 


o 


N    v     Inefday,    the   ipth   of  Auguft    1795,    I  was 
President's,  as  ufual,  at   9  o'Ciock   in  the 
•hen    his  fteward,    Mr.    Kidd,  came  to  me 
:^;s  in  Market  Street ;  and  informed  me,  that 
defired  me  to  poftpone  my  vifit,  until  half 
after  ten.      I  fuppofed  at  firft,  that  he  might  wifh  to  have 
r  for  writing  by  the  Southern  mail  of  that 
.ips  to  ride  out.     But,  as  I  was  deiirous  of 
ihort  queftion,  '.vhich  would  determine  me 
ner  of  executing  a  piece  of  bufmefs,  to  be 
•-•jii  that  morning;   I  inquired  of  Mr.    Kidd, 
he  was  then  occupied  with  any  particular  perfon ;  and 
I  was  anf\\  ered,  that  the  Preiident  was  every  moment  ex- 
peeling  iouie  gentlemen.     Accordingly  I  turned  to  the 
office ;  and  at  the  appointed  hour  called  at  the    Preii- 
deiired  the  iervant,  who  attended  at  the  door, 
i  the  Prefident,  that  I  was  come.     But  upon  being 
informed,  that  Mr.  Wolcott  and  Colonel  Pickering  had 
^en  there  for  fome  time,  I  went  up  Hairs ;  and  began  to 
,e  fteward  had  committed  a  miftake.     I  fup- 
pof<  at    a   confutation   with  the    heads    of    depart- 

ments had  been  intended  to  be  held  by  the  Prefident 
earlier  in  the  day,  and  that  it  might  be  proper  for  me 
to  explain  the  caufe  of  my  delay.  But  when  I  entered 

B 


[     6     ] 

the  Prefident' s  room,  he,  with  great  formality,  rofe  from 
his  chair  ;  and  Meifrs.  Wolcott  and  Pickering  were  alfo 
marked  in  their  efforts  to  a  like  formality.  I  therefore 
refolved  to  wait  for  the  unfolding  of  this  myfterious  ap- 
pearance. Very  few  words  pafTed  between  the  Prefident 
and  myfelf;  and  thofe,  which  fell  from  him,  {hewed 
plainly  to  me,  that  he  wifhed  to  hurry  to  fomething  elfe. 
Immediately  afterwards,  he  put  his  hand  into  his  pocket, 
and  pulling  out  a  large  letter,  faid  fomething  of  this  na- 
ture :  tl  Mr.  Randolph!  here  is  a  letter,  which  I  defire 
"  you  to  read,  and  make  fuch  explanations,  as  you 
kt  choofe."  I  took  it,  and  found  it  to  be  a  letter,  written 
in  French  by  Mr.  Fauchet,  on  about  fifteen  pages  of  large 
paper.  On  reading  the  letter,  I  perceived,  that  two  of 
the  moft  material  papers,  which  were  called  the  difpatches 
No.  3,  and  6,  were  not  with  it.  I  obferved  to  the  Prefi- 
dent, that  I  prefumed  the  letter  to  be  an  intercepted  one. 
He  nodded  his  head.  I  then  faid,  that  at  that  time  I  could 
recollecl  very  little,  which  could  throw  light  on  the  affair; 
but  I  would  go  over  the  letter,  and  make  fuch  remarks 
as  occurred  to  me.  I  did  fo  ;  but  being  thus  fuddenly, 
and  without  any  previous  intimation,  called  upon  before 
a  council,  which  was  minutely  prepared  at  every  point  ; 
not  feeing  two  of  the  moft  eflential  references  ;  and  hav- 
ing but  an  imperfecl  idea  oY  moil  of  the  circumftances 
alluded  to,  I  could  rely  only  on  two  principles,  which 
were  eftablifhed  in  my  mind  ;  the  'firft  was,  that  according 
to  my  fincere  belief,  I  never  made  an  improper  commu- 
nication to  Mr.  Fauchet ;  the  fecond  was,  that  no  money 
was  ever  received  by  me  from  him,  nor  any  overture, 
made  to  him  by  me  for  that  purpofe.  My  obfervations 
Therefore  were  but  Ihort.  However,  I  had  ibme  recollec- 
tion of  Mr.  Fauchet  having  told  me  of  machinations 
againft  the  French  Republic,  Governor  Clinton  and  my- 
felf;  and  thinking  it  not  improbable,  that  the  overture, 
which  wjs  fooken  of  in  No.  6,  might  be,  in  fome  man- 
ner, connected  with  that  buiinefs,  and  might  relate  to  the 
obtaining  of  intelligence,  I  mentioned  my  impreffion ; 
nbferving  at  the  fame  time.,  that  I  would  throw  my  ideas 
or.  pnper.  The  Prefident  delired  Meflrs.  Wolcott  and 


f     7     ] 

Pickering  to  put  queftions  to  me.  This  was  a  fiyle  of  pro- 
ceeding to  which  I  would  not  have  fubmitted,  had  it 
been  purfued.  But  Mr.  Pickering  put  no  quefnon  ;  and 
Mr.  Wolcott  only  afked  an  explanation  of  what  I  had 
faid,  as  to  Governor  Clinton  and  myfeif.  This  I  did  net 
object  to  repeat,  nearly  as  I  had  fpoken  it.  Had  I  not 
been  deprived  of  No.  6,  the  terms,  ufed  in  it,  "  of  Jbel- 
11  tering  from  Britijb  perfecution"  would  probably  have 
reminded  me  fully  of  th  -  fuppofed  machinations  of  Mr. 
Hammond  and  others.  As  it  was,  I  mentioned  the  cir- 
cumitance  generally  in  the  Preiident' s  room,  who  remem- 
bered to  have  heard  fomething  of  a  meeting,  held  at 
New- York  bv  Mr.  Hammond  and  others  during  the  lair 
fummer.  While  I  was  appealing  to  the  Piefident's  me- 
mory for  communications,  which  I  had  made  to  him  on 
this  fubject  ;  and  arter  he  had  laid  with  iome  warmth, 
that  he  fhouid  not  conceal  any  thing,  which  he  recollec- 
ted, or  words  to  that  effect;  he  wras  called  out  to  receive 
from  Mr.  Willing  the  copy  of  an  addrefs,  which  was  to 
be  prefented  to  him  the  next  day  by  the  merchants. 
While  he  was  out  of  the  room,  I  afked,  how  the  Preiident 
came  by  Mr.  Fauchet's  letter.  Mr.  IVolcott  laid,  "  The 
"  Preiident  will,  I  prefume,  explain  that  to  you."  Upon 
the  return  of  the  Preiident,  he  defired  me  to  ftep  into 
another  room,  while  he  ihould  converfe  with  Meilrs. 
Wolccit  and  Pickering,  upon  what  I  had  laid.  I  retired; 
and  on  revolving  the  iubject,  I  came  to  this  conclusion  ; 
that  if  the  Prefident  had  not  been  worked  up  to  prejudge 
the  cafe,  he  would  not  have  acted  in  a  manner,  io  preci- 
pitate in  itfelf,  and  lo  injurious  and  humiliating  to  me  : 
aindthai  he  would  in  the  firil  inftance,  have  interrogated 
me  in  private.  After  an  abfence  of  about  three  quarters 
of  an  hour,  I  returned  into  the  Preftdent's  room  ;  when 
he  told  me  that  as  I  wiiiied  to  put  my  remarks  on  paper, 
he  defired  that  I  would.  I  replied,  that  it  fhouid  be  done; 
but  that  I  did  not  expect  to  remember  much  of  the  detail ; 
for  in  fact,  I  had  then  nodiilinct  conception  of  what  No. 
3,  and  No.  6,  might  contain ;  except  that  it  would  feem 
from  the  inference  in  No.  lo,  as  if  I  had  encouraged  the 
infurredion.  The  Prefident  then  aikecl  me.  how  foon  I 


[     8     ] 

could  finifh  my  remarks,  I  anfwered,  as  foon  as  pofiible. 
But  I  declared  to  him  at  the  fame  intlant,  that  I  would 
not  continue  in  the  office  one  fecond  after  fuch  treatment. 
I  accordingly  wrote  to  him  the  following  letter. 


Philadelphia,  Aug.   19,   1795. 
SIR, 

IMMEDIATELY  upon  leaving  your  houfe  this  morning,  I  went 
to  the  office  tor  the  department  of  ftaie,  where  I  directed  the  room,  in 
which  I  ufually  fat,  to  be  locked  up,  and  the  key  to  remain  with  the 
meflenger.  My  object  in  this  was  to  let  all  the  papers  reft,  as  they 
flood. 

Upon  my  return  home,  I  reflected  calmly  and  maturely  upon  the  pro- 
ceedings of  this  morning.  Two  fafts  immediately  preferred  themfelves; 
one  of  which  was,  that  my  ufual  hour  of  calling  upon  the  Preiident  had 
not  only  been  pottponed  for  the  opportunity  ot  confulting  ethers  upon  a 
letter  of  a  foreign  minifter,  highly  interesting  to  my  honour,  before  the 
fmalleft  intimation  to  me  ;  but  they  feemed  alfo  to  be  perfectly  acquainted 
with  its  contents,  and  were  requeued  to  a(k  queftions  for  their  fatis'ac- 
tion  :  The  other  was,  that  I  was  cleared  to  retire  into  another  room, 
Until  you  fhould  converfe  with  them,  upon  what  I  had  faid. 

Your  confidence  in  me,  Sir,  has  been  unlimited  ;  and,  1  can  truly  af- 
firm, unabufed.  My  frnfations  then  cannot  be  concealed,  \\hen  1  find 
that  confidence  fo  immediately  withdrawn  without  a  word  ordifiant  hint 
being  previo^^-d^opped  to  me!  This,  Sir, as  I  mentioned  in  your  room, 
is  a  fituation,  in  which  I  cannot  hold  my  prefent  office,  and  therefore  I 
hereby  refign  it. 

It  will  nor,  however,  be  concluded  from  hence,  that  I  mean  to  relin- 
quifh  the  inquiry.  No,  Sir;  far  from  it.  I  will  alfo  meet  any  inquiry, 
and  to  prepare  for  ir,  if  I  learn  this  morning,  that  there  is  a  chance 
of  overtaking  Mr.  Fauchet  before  he  fails,  I  will  go  to  him  immedi- 
ately. 

I  have  to  beg  the  favour  of  you  to  permit  me  to  be  furnimed  with  a 
copy  of  the  letter;  and  I  will  prepare  an  anfwer  to  it ;  which  I  perceive 
that  I  cannot  do,  as  I  wifh,  merely  upon  the  few,  hafty  memoranda  which 
I  took  with  my  pencil. 

I  am  fatisfied,  Sir,  that  you  will  acknowledge  one  piece  of  juflice 
due  on  this  occafion,  which  is,  that  until  an  inquiry  can  be  made,  the 
affair  (hall  continue  in  lecrecy  under  your  injunction,  after  pledging 
rnyfelf  for  a  more  fpecific  investigation  of  ail  theie  fuggeftions.  For  1  here 
moft  folernnlv  deny,  that  any  overture  ever  came  from  me,  which  was 
to  produce  money  to  me,  or  any  others  for  me;  and  that  in  any  manner 
direclly  or  indirectly,  was  a  milling  ever  received  by  me;  nor  was  it  ever 
contemplated  by  me,  that  one  milling  fhculd  be  applied  by  Mr.  Fauchet 
to  any  purpofc,  relative  to  the  infurrcdtion. 


[     9     ] 

I  prriume,  Sir,  thar  the  paper,  No.  6j  to  which  he  refers,  is  not  in  your 
polTeifion.  Othenvifeyou  would  have  (hewn  it  to  inc.  If  i  am  n:iit:i- 
ken,  I  cannot  doubt,  that  you  will  fufferme  to  have  a  copy  of  i<". 

I  ihall  pafs  ray  accounts  :it  the  Auditor's  and  Comptroller's  office  ;  and 
tranfmit  to  you  a  copy. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

Sir,  with  due  refpect, 

Your  mofi  obedient  fen-ant, 

EDM:  RANDOLPH. 
TLe  Prefident  of  the  U.  S. 

To  the  preceding  Ltttr  I  received  this  anfyjtr* 

To  Edmund  Randolph,  Eft], 
SIR, 

YOUR  resignation  of  the  Omce  of  State,  is  received. 

Candour  induces  me  to  give  you,  in  a  few  words,  the  fcllo'.v ing  nar- 
rative of  fa-?U. The  letter  from  Mr.  Fauchet,  with  the  contents  of 

which  you   were  made   acquainted   yeilerdav,  wa>?  as  you  fuppofed,  an 

intercepted  one. It  was  fent  by  Lord  Grenville  to  Mr.  Hammond  ; — 

by  him  put  into  the  hands  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treafury  ; — by  him 
(hewn  to  the  Secretary  of  War  and  the  Attorney  General; — and  a  tranf- 
Jation  thereof  was  made  by  the  former,  for  me. — 

At  the  time  Mr.  Hammond  delivered  the  letter,  he  requeued  of  Mr. 
Wolcott  an  attefted  copy,  which  was  accordingly  made  by  Mr.  Thorn- 
ton, his  late  Secretary;  and  which  is  undenlood  to  remain  at  p  re  fent 
with  Mr.  Bond. Whether  it  is  known  to  others,  I  am  unable  to  de- 
cide.  

W hi  1ft  you  are  in  purfuit  of  means  to  remove  the  fcrong  fufpicions 
ariiing  from  rhis  letter,  no  difclofure  of  its  contents  wiij  be  made  by  me; 
and  i  will  enjoin  the  fame  on  the  public  <  :,;  acquainted 

with  the  purport  of  it ;  uniefs    iG:ne:hing  L  to  render  an  ex- 

planation neceiTary  on  the  part  of  Governi:!J:i'  ;  -6f  which  1  will  be 
the  Judge. ,. 

A  copy  of  Mr.  Fauchet's  letter  (hall  be  feat  to  you.. No.  6,  refer- 
red to  therein  I  have  never  feer.. — 
Philadelphia,  *c:h  Aug.  1-97. 

G*.  VvASHINGTON. 

Having   learnt  on  the  2oth  nil,    1795,  that  the 

French  frigate,  Meduia,  which  was  to  carrv  Mr.  Fauchet 
to  France,  had  not  Jailed  ten  days  before  ;  I  left  Phila- 
delphia in  the  afternoon  of  the  2iil  for  New-Port  in 
Rhode  liland.  But  being  detained  on  the  rond  hy  a  dif- 
appointment  in  fome  neceflary  papers,  and.  bv  ether  un- 


avoidable  caufes,  I  did  not  arrive  there  until  Monday, 
the  311!  of  Auguil,  1795,  between  the  hours  of  eleven 
and  twelve  in  the  morning.  I  immediately  proceeded  to 
viiit  Mr.  Fauchet ;  and  told  him,  that  his  letter  of  the 
loth  of  Brumaire  (October  gift,  1794)  had  been  inter- 
cepted, and  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Prefident  of  the 
United  States.  After  crTiftrving  that  he  mull  recollect, 
how  injuriouily  he  had  treated  the  government,  others 
and  myfelf,  in  that  letter,  I  informed  him,  that  I  had 
come  for  the  purpofe  of  demanding  an  explanation  ;  but 
that  I  defired  none,  which  was  not  confluent  with  truth 
andjuitice.  I  then  mentioned  the  ditterent  points: 
and  although  in  fome  particulars  we  did  not  remember 
alike  ;  yet  I  required  him  to  give  me  a  certificate  accord- 
ing to  his  memory.  Pie  appointed  8  o'clock  in  the  next 
inorning  tor  the  delivery  of  it  to  me  ;  and  understanding 
from  him,  that  the  Medufa  could  not  fail,  while  the  Bri- 
tiili  fhip  of  War,  Africa,  lay  at  the  mouth  of  the  harbour, 
I  did  not  object  to  the  time,  which  he. took,  When  I: 
knocked  at  Mr.  Fauchet' s  door  at  the  lad-mentioned  hour, 
his  fervant  informed  me,  that  he  was  directed  to  tell  me, 
that  the  prorniieJ  certificate  would  not  be  ready  until 
about  i  '2  o'clock  :  I  deiired  the  iervant  to  call  Mr.  Fau- 
chet down  iiairs.  When  he  came  down,  he  faid,  that  he 
was  engaged  in  preparing  the  paper :  that  it  ccuid  not  be 
ready,  until  r<2  or  I  o'clock,  and  ttat  as  foon  as  it  was 
ready,  he  would  fend  or  bring  it  to  my  lodgings.  He  alfo 
agreed,  upon  my  application,  to  anivver  any  queltions, 
which  I  ihouicl  put  to  him  ;  and  it  is  known  to  a  gentle- 
man, whom  I  can  name,  that  I  had  intended  to  put  leve- 
ral  queflions  to  him,  before  Ivlr.  Marcliant,  the  judge  of 
the  Diftrict  of  Rhode  I  (land,  and  Mr.  Malbone,  a  member 
pf  the'houfe  of  Keprefentatives,  from  whom  I' meant  to 
aflc  the  favor  of  attending  to^.the  bnhneis.  While  I  was 
expecting  to  hear  from  Mr.  Fauchet,  it  was  laid  that  the 
Medufa  was  weighing  anchor.  Aftonifhed  at  this  intelli- 
gence, Iran  up  to  Mr.  Fauchet' s  houfe;  and  found,  that 
he  had  gone  olf.  By  the  friendly  affiibnce  of  Mr.  Feck, 
the  Manhal  of  the  dillrict,  I  difpat-jhed  the  fwifieil  failing 
boat  in  Newport  in  quell:  of  the  Medufa,  with  the  follow- 
ing letter  to  Mr.  Fauchet. 


SI  R, 


J 

Newport^  Sept.  I,   1795. 


I  AM  this  moment  informed,  that  the  frigate  has  failed  :  and  I  have 
been  w  your  houfe.  They  fav  that  you  are  on  board  ;  and  that  you  have 
left  no  paper  foi  UK-,  according  to  what  you  promiled.  My  innocence 
or  the  inli-.iuations,  ariiing  kom  yonr  letter,  you  not  only  know,  but 
have  twice  acknowledge  ro  me.  i  fend  a  boat  thereibie  in  a  hurry  to 
obtaifl  the  papers,  which  go  to  this  point, 

1  am,  Sir, 

Your  humble  fervanf, 

EDMUND    RANDOLPH. 

Tire  boat  having  returned  w-ithout  overtaking  the  Me- 
dufa,  Mr.  Peck  indoiied  this  certificate  on  the  letter. 

September  I,  1795. 

MR.  RANDOLPH,  being  greatly  agitated  at  finding  that  Mr.  Fau- 
chet  had  gone  oif,  requeued  me  to  employ  a  boat,  at  any  expence,  to  go 
immediately  in  qneft  of  the  Mcdufa  ;  in  order  to  carry  the  within  letter 
to  Mr.  Fauchet;  1  did  in  confequence  employ  the  fwifteil  failing  veflel 
in  the  port>  with  inftruclions>  to  purlue  the  frigate,  as  long  as  there  was 
any  chance  of  overtaking  her.  She  went  off  feveral  miles  to  fea;  but 
could  not  overtake  her. 

WILLIAM  PECK, 

Marfiiall,  Rhode  liland  diftrici. 

Capt.  Caleb  Gardner,  who  acled  as  pilot  to  the  Me- 
dufa  having  returned  to  Newport,  brought  me  from  Mr. 
Fauchet  a  letter,  of  which  the  following  is  a  tranflation. 


On  board  of  the  M-edufa.      15   Fructidor  in  the  ^d  year. 

Jofeph  Fauchet  to  Mr.  Randchb. 
SIR, 

I  have  juft  tranfmitted  to  citizen  Adet,  the  minitler  of  the  Republic 
in  Philadelphia,  the  packet  which  I  deftined  for  you.  He  will  fend  you 
a  certified  copy  of  my  letter,  with  which,  I  hope,  you  will  be  fatisficd. 

Accept  my  efteem, 

JOSEPH   FAUCHET. 


The  painful  embarraflTment,  which  the  fudden  failing 
of  the  Medufa  had  occafioned  to  me,  induced  me  to  re- 
queil  from  Capt.  Gardner  a  fia-ement  of  the  facts,  re- 
lative thereto  ;  and  he  gave  me  this  certificate. 

THIS  is  to  certify  that  Vhurfday*  morning  September  lit,  at  8 
o'Clock  ;  the  weather  being  very  Itcrmy  and  a  Aery  large  fea,  the 
Eriiifh  fhip,  Atric:;,  was  obliged  to  leave  her  flation  at  the  light-houfe, 
and  go  into  the  Naraganfet  bay  :  in  ccnfequence  of  which  Capt.  Sime- 
on, o*"the  frigate  Me- It: fa,  fent  tor  the  fubfcriber  to  embrace  ihis  op- 
portunity to  go  to  fea  :  a.  the  fame  time  fent  for  the  ambaiTador,  Mr. 
Fauchet,  and  all  the  paffengers  at  9  o'clock,  They  could  not  get  on 
board  until  no'  lock.  From  9  o'clock  until  that  time,  the  (hip  was 
Ihort  a  peak;  itiii  detained  for  the  paflengers.  In  fix  minutes  after  they 
came  on  board  we  cut  our  cable  and  went  to  fea  ;  leaving  Mr.  Provoft 
on  {ho re,  one  of  the  pafTengers.  The  weaiher  was  fo  foggy,  that  very 
often  we  could  nor  fee  the  land  in  beating  the  (hip  out  of  the  harbour. 
Mr.  hauchet,  all  the  time  the  fubfcriber  was  on  board,  which  was  until, 
halfpaft  one  o'Clock,  was  in  the  cabin  writing.  The  Britiih  (hip,  Afri- 
ca, came  to  fail  two  hours  after  the  Medufa  was  at  lea. 

Newport,  vSept.  2,   1795. 

CALEB    GARDNER. 

N.  JB.  The  whole  time  I  was  on  board  the  frigate,  before  her  get- 
ting under  fail,  the  Cnptain  difcovered  the  greateft  impatience.  He  re- 
peatedly fent  on  more  to  bring  off  Mr.  Fauchet ;  expreffed  great  con- 
cern, when  my  boat  arrived  without  him  ;  and  when  Mr.  Fauchet  did 
arrive  at  the  frigate,  treated  him  with  great  coolnefs  and  apparent  in- 
dignation at  his  long  delay. 

CALEB  GARDNER. 


Thefe  and  many  other  particulars,  which  manifeft  the 
diftrefiing  difficulties,  into  which  I  was  thrown,  can  be 
proved  by  a  refpeclabl "  gentleman,  now  in  Philadelphia. 
— Agreeably  to  the  information  of  Mr.  Fauchet,  Mr. 
Adet  fent  me  a  copy  of  his  certificate,  the  tranflations 
of  which  and  of  the  difpatches,  No.  3,  and  No.  6,  \vhi:h 
are  referred  to  in  the  letter  No.  lo,  and  were  alfo  fur- 
nifhedby  Mr.  Adet,  are  as  follow  : — 


*   Mr.  Gardner  has  miftated  the  day.     It  fhould  be  Tuefday. 


[      13     ] 
MR.    FAUCHETs    CERTIFICATE. 


MR.  RANDOLPH  requefts  me  to  examine  a  Difpatch  No.  io>  ad- 
drefTed  to  the  Gommiflary  of  exterior  relations;  which  has  been  tranf- 
mitted  to  the  Prefident  of  the  United  States,  i  believe  that  lam  bound 
to  no  explanations  upon  my  communications  to  my  Govern  ,•...,:  :  when 
they  are  obtained  by  dark  means  lam  ignorant;  are  commen- 

ted upon  without  doubt  and  mutilated  according  to  the  paffions  of  thofe 
who  ufe  means  fo  noble  and  fo  generous,  B;-.t  I  owe  to  Mr.  Randolph 
full  and  entire  juitice.  I  will  render  it  to  him  with  pleafure.  Every 
thing  which  could  be  interpreted  to  jiis  di  fad  vantage  will  not  leave,  I 
hope  after  the  explanation  which  I  mall  give,  any  doubt  upon  the  mind 
even  of  thofe  who  have  tranfmitted  the  letter  to  the  Prefident.  The 
means  which  I  (hall  employ  will  be  very  fimpl?.  This  will  be  to  cite 
the  Difpatcb.es  to  which  1  refer  in  my  No.  10.  Some  preliminary  re- 
flections are  neceflary  to  explain  them. 

On  my  arrival  on  this  continent  the  Prefident  gave  me  the  moil  pofi- 
tive  affurance,  that  he  was  the  friend  of  the  French  caufe.  Mr.  Ran- 
dolph often  repeated  to  me  the  iame  afiu ranee.  It  was  impcflible  lor  me 
not  to  give  faith  to  it,  (in  fpite  of  fome  public  events  relative  to  France 
which  gave  me  fome  inquietude)  efpecially  when  the  Secretary  ot  State 
conftantiy  took  pains  to  convince  me  of  the  fentiments  of  good  will  of 
his  Government  for  my  Republic.  It  was  doubtlefs  to  confirm  me  in  this 
opinion  that  he  communicated  to  me,  without  auchorii  j  .  ihe 

part  of  Mr.  Jay's  inftruftions  which  forbade  him  to  do  any  thing  w: 
mould  derogate  from  the  engagements  of  the  United  Staves  with  France. 
My  error,  which  was  dear  to  me,  was  prolonged  only  by  the  contii.bal 
efforts  of  Mr.  Randolph  to  calm  my  fears  both  upon  the  treaty  whh  Eng- 
hir.i  and  upon  the  effeft  which  it  might  produce  on  France.  He  was 
therefore  far  from  confiding  to  me  any  acl,  any  intention  of  Government 
by  virtue  of  any  concert  with  me,  or  in  cor.iequence  of  any  emolument 
received  by  him,  or  for  the  expectation  or  hope  of  any  recompence 
promifei&  'or  with  any  other  view  than  to  maintain  a  good  harmony  be- 
tween France  and  the  United  States.  As  to  the  communications  wri 
he  has  made  to  me  at  different  times,  they  were  only  of  opinions,  the 
greater  part,  if  not  the  whole  of  which,  I  have  heard  circulated  as  opini- 
ons. I  alfo  recoileft  that  on  one  occafion,  at  leaf!  which  turned  upon 
public  r:.  :  cbfcrved  to  me  that  he  could  not  enter  into  der 

upon  fome  of  them,  became  by  doing  fo  he  fhould  violate  i\: 
office.  From  whence  I  have  concluded  and  believe  that  he  never  commu- 
nicated to  me  whathisduty  would  reprove.  I  will  obferve  here  that  none  of 
his  conversions  with  me  concluded  without  his  giving  me  the  idea,  I 
the  Prefident  was    a   man   of  inr  friend  tr, 

in  pi'.rt   what  I  the  terms  "hi 

"  ons."     I  proceed  to  other  details  relative 

-.'.nanaiiosis  on  his  part  upon  ir.ntters  which  had  caufed  to  me  fome 
etude  :   And  I  in  that 


[     14     ] 

letter,  that  I  fufpected  on  his  part  even  the  mrft  diftant  corruption.  Thefe 
explanations  had  equally  for  their  object  my  different  converfations  upon 
We-rern  affairs,  as  may  be  feen  in  the  fequel  of  this  declaration. 

When  I  fpeak  in  this  fame  paragraph  in  thefe  words,  "  Ecfides,  thepre- 
"  cious  conteilions  of  Mr. Randolph  alone  caft  upon  all  which  happens  a  fa- 
"  risfadory  lijjht,"  I  have  ftill  in  view  only  the  explanations  of  which  I  have 
fpoken  above ;  and  I  mull  confefs  that  very  often  I  hare  taken  for  confeffi- 
ons  what  he  might  have  tocommunicate  to  me  by  virtue  of  a  fecret  autho- 
.  And  many  things  which  in  the  firft  inftant  I  had  confidered  as  con- 
feilions  were  the  fubject  of  public  converfations,  I  will  fay  more.  I  will 
fay,  thatl  have  had  more  than  fufpicions  that  certain  confidences  which 
have  been  made  to  me,  were  only  to  found  my  private  opinion1,  and  the 
intentions  of  the  French  Republic  ;  and  I  muft  appeal  to  the  teftimony  of 
him,  who  this  day  ciaiins  mine.  He  muft  know  if  1  ever  endeavoured  to 
meddle  in  the  interior  affairs  of  America,  or  even  to  influence,  by  any 
means  whaifoever,  the  fentimentb  of  men  vvhofe  talents  had  called  them 
to  the  head  of  affairs. 

All  that  is  read  from  thefe  words,  "  I  proceed  then,  &c."  to  thefe 
«  The  firft  was  preparing,  &c."  is  to  be  confidered  only  as  my  own  re- 
flections arifing  from  private  information  or  from  public  reports,  and 
not  from  any  communications  of  Mr.  Randolph. 

I  have  fx>ken  of  a  converfation  which  Citizen  Le  Blanc  and  myfelf 
had  with  Mr.  Randolph,  and  which  I  had  communicated  in  my 
No.  3.  It  is  eafy  to  fee  that  I  confider  the  conclufions  which  I  diavv 
from  it,  as  pure  and  iimpie  conjectures,  as  I  exprefs  myfelf.  This  is  an 
extract  from  that  difpatch  which  I  declare  to  be  t*ue.  When  1  relate 
converfations  of  Mr.  Randolph,  I  can  eafily  fuppofe  that  as  he  fpoke 
Sometimes  in  Englifh,  moft  commonly  in  French,  and  I  fpoke  always 
French,  we  might  not  have  underftood  one  another  perfectly.  And  when 
I  have  not  quoted  Mr.  Randolph  exprefsly  in  the  whole  courfe  of  any 
obfervations,  it  is  not  under  his  authority  that  1  fpeak. 

As  my  difpatch,  No.  3,  treats  of  different  fubjects  at  the  fame  time,  I 
mail  extract  from  it  only  what  concerns  him,  with  the  help  of  my  own 
memory  and  in  confequence  of  his  queftions. 

The  converfation  which  I  cite  took  place  in  April,  1754.  We  were 
fpeaking  of  fome  political  divifions  which  manifefted  themfelve*  in  diffe. 
rent  parts  of  the  United  States,  and  of  which  the  public  papers  gave  fuf- 
ficient  proofs.  He  appeared  to  me  to  be  deeply  afflicted  at  the  idea  of 
a  violent  conflict  between  the  parties.  He  hoped  to  prevent  it  by  the  in- 
fluence which  he  hoped  to  acquire  with  the  Prefident,  who  he  faid  gene- 
rally confulted him,  and  to  whom  he  told  truths  which  probably  others 
concealed  from  him.  I  had  heard  mentioned,  and  I  frequently  mention- 
ed to  him  myfelf,  the  fufpicions  which  were  fpread  abroad,  of  the  artifi- 
ces of  fome  influential  men  in  the  government,  who  were  defirous  of  feeing 
the  French  caufe  ruined,  and  of  uniting  America  more  clofely  with 
Great  Britain  than  with  France.  He  replied  to  me  upon  this :  The 
Prefident  is  the  mortal  enemy  of  England,  for  the  outrages  which  (he 
heaps  upon  the  United  States,  and  the  injuftice  and  perfidy  which  me 
fhews  in  her  conduct  towards  them  ;  and  the  declared  friend  of  France. 
I  can  affirsn  it  upon  my  honor.  He  may,  like  other  men  who  do  not 
mix  generally  with  the  world,  be  circumvented  by  ftratagem,  prepared 


[     '5     ] 

to  furprife  his  judgment ;  and  without  doubt  if  he  {uffers  himfelf  to  be 
taken  in  by  any  manoeuvres,  his  popularity  would  be  affeded  by  it.  He 
defires  to  give  the  Government  liability ;  others,  under  rhe  pre- 
text of  giving  energy  to  it,  would  furround  the  chief  of  the  Executive 
with  more  power  than  the  Conititution  delegates  to  him.  but  in  fpite  of 
all  the  efforts,  and  notwithftanding  the  cauie  of  Fiance  and  the  true 
rit  of  the  American  people  are  painted  to  him  under  lalfe  colours,  he 
escapes  at  this  moment  from  the  fnares  which  are  laid  for  him,  and  no- 
thing will  be  able  to  prevent  him  from  conducting  himfelf  towards  Great 
Britain  with  the  firmnefs,  which  the  repeated  outrages  of  this  power  de- 
mand. This,  Mr.  Fauchet,  i:  every  thing,  \vhich  I  am  at  liberty,  to 
fay  to  you.  I  will  always  treat  with  you  with  every  franknefs,  which  com- 
ports with  my  duty.  Astomyfelfi  1  would  quit  the  poll,  which  he  has 
confided  to  me,  if  I  could  perfuade  myfe'f,  that  he  could  accede  to  any 
aft,  which  fiiould  affeft  the  rights  of  the  people.  The  bill,  of  which  you 
fpeak, gives  it  is  true  to  the  Executive,  fome  powers  which  it  thcv  ihould 
be  abufed,  may  wound  liberty.  I  am  fincerely  affected  by  it.  But  1  fee 
with  pleafure,  that  my  reflections  on  the  dreadful  crifts,  which  would  re- 
fult  from  iuch  an  abcfe,  have  produced  a  deep  impreiiion  on  the  mind 
of  the  Prefident,  who  is  a  man  of  honor.  Let  us  unite,  Mr.  Fauchet> 
let  us  'unite  our  efforts  in  drawing  clofe  the  bonds  of  the  t\vo  nations. 
The  friends  of  liberty  are  for  an  intimate  union  with  France.  The  par- 
tisans of  flavery  prefer  an  alliance  with  England. 

I  now  corne  to  the  explanations  of  my  difpatch  No.  6.  A  little  time 
after  my  arrival  in  America,  1  had  requefted  Mr.  Randolph  to  recom- 
mend to  me  the  moll  proper  perfons  with  whom  he  was  acquainted  in  the 
different  States,  to  be  employed  in  the  purchafe  of  flour.  This  recueft 
naturally  led  him  to  believe  that  there  were  perfons  employed  in  it,  as 
there  really  were.  We  had  frequent  converfations  upon  the  insurrection, 
and  in  all  of  them  he  manifefted  an  unequivocal  indignation  againit  t  e 
fomenters  of  it,  and  a  deep  affliction  at  the  dangers  of  .1  civil  war.  I 
had  learned  as  my  difpatch  No,  10?  ihews,  that  the  Engliih  were  luipec- 
ted  of  fomenting  and  fupporting  thefe  manoeuvres.  I  communicated  my 
fufpicions  to  Mr.  Randolph.  I  had  already  communicated  to  him  a 
Congrefs,  which  at  this  time  was  holden  at  New  Y>trk.  1  had  commu- 
nicated to  him  my  fears,  that  this  Congrefs  would  have  for  its  objedy 
fome  manceuvres  againft  the  Republic  of  France,  and  to  render  unpopu- 
lar fome  virtuous  men  who  were  at  the  head  of  affairs;  to  destroy  the 
confidence  which  exiiled,  on  one  hand,  between  Genen.l  Clinton  and  his 
fellow-citizens,  and  on  the  other,  that  which  united  the  i'reiidcnt  tc 
Randolph.  Ke  faid  to  me,  that  I  ought  to  make  erlorcs  to  obtaiu  the 
proofs  of  this  fad,  and  he  added  to  me  that  if  I  did  fo,  the  Prefident 
would  not  hefitate  to  declare  himfelf  againft  all  the  manoeuvres  which  n 
be  directed  againft  the  French  Republic.  Things  remained  i  i  this  fnua- 
tion.  About  the  month  of  July  or  Auguft,  in  the  iaft  year,  he  came  to 
fee  me  at  my  country  houfe.  It  was  in  the  afternoon.  He  was,  to  go, 
that  evening  to  Germantown.  We  had  a  private  converfation of  about 
twenty  minutes.  His  countenance  befpoke  diftrefs.  He  laid  to  me, 
that  he  was  afraid  that  a  civil  war  would  foon  ravage  America.  1 
enquired  of  him  what  new  information  was  procured.  He  faid  that  he 
began  to  believe  that  in  facl  the  Englifh  were  really  fomenting  the  in- 


furrection,  and   that  he  did  not  doubt,  that  Mr.  Hammond  and  his  Con- 
grefs  would   pufli    ibrae  meafures  with  rel'peci  to  the  infuireCiion,    with 
an  intention  of  giving  embaraffment  to  the  United  States.     He  demanded 
of  met  if»  as  my  Republic   was   itfelt   interefted  in   thefe  manoeuvres,  I 
could  not  by  the  means  of  forne  correspondents  procure  force  information 
of  what  was  palling.     I  anfwered   him  that  I  believed  I    could.     He 
replied    upon   tnis,  that  having  formed  many  connections  by  the  means 
of  flour-contracts,  three  or  four  perfons  among  the  different   contractors 
might,  by  ralent«,  energy  and  fome  influence,  procure  the  neceffary  in- 
formation and  fave  America  from  a  civil  war,  by   proving  that  England 
interfered  in  the  troubles  of  the  Weft.     I  do  not  recoiled,  that  he  gave 
to  meat  that  time  any  details  upon  the  manner,  in  which  this  difcovery 
would  produce  this  iaft  effect.     But  I  perfectly  recollect  to  have  heard  it 
faid   by  fo'ne    perfon  ot  other,  that  the  infurgents  would  be   abandoned 
by  the  greareft  number  of  thcfe  whom  they  believed  to  be  on    their 
fide  ;  and  that  the   militia  would   march  with  checrfulnefs,    if  it  were 
pr.-ved,  that  the  Emjlifh    were  at  the  bottom  of  thefe  manoeuvres.     I 
think  therefore,  that  this  was  probably  the    manner,  in  which  he  con- 
ceived that  things  would  be  fettled  ;   and  that  he  thought,  that  the   in- 
furredion  u'ov.id  ceafe  from  the  want  of  fupport.     At  the  moment  of  his 
mounting  his  horfe,  he  obferved  to  me,  that  the  men,  whom  I  Plight  be 
able    to  employ,  might  perhaps  be  debtors  of  Englifh  Unerchkritsl  that 
in  this  ca'e  'they  rnUht  perhaps  be  expofed,  on  the    flighted  movement 
which  they  fncuLi  make  in  this  important  affair,  to  fee  themielves  har- 
rafled  by  procefsand  even  arreiled  by  :he  parfuits  of  their  creditors.  He 
aiked  me  if  the  payraents  of  the  uunswhich  were  due  to  them  by  virtue  of 
th«*  exiili:-r  corst.T;r':ts,  would  not  be  fufficiently  early  to  render  thefe  indi- 
viduals, independent  of  Britifh  perfection.  1  confefs,  that  this  proportion. 
to  obtain  this  inrciligence  futprifed  me.     I  was   aftonifhed  that    the  Go- 
vernment itfclf  did  not  procure  for  itfelf  information    fo  precious.     And 
I  made  the  reflections,  contained  in  my  letter  on  this  affair,  becaufe  I  be, 
lieved,   and  do  Hill  believe,    that  all  the  citizens  in  the  United  States, 
ought  to  endeavour  to  furnifh  intelligence  fo  important,  without  being 
flopped  by    the    fear    of  Englifh    periecution  ;  and  becaufe  1  moreover 
thought,    when  I    committed  my •.  reflections  to  paper,  that  it  was  pro- 
pofed  to  obtain  Jte    foregoing   intelligence  by  afiilcing  with  loans  thofe 
who  had  contracted  with  me.    Eat  now  calling  to  mind  all  the  circum- 
ftances,    to    which  the  queMons  of  Mr.  Randolph  call  my  attention,  I 
have  an  intimate   conviction  that    I  was  miilaken  in  the  proportions, 
which  I  fup^ofed   to  have   been  made  to  me. 

I  declare  moreover  that  no  nar-ne  nor  fum  was  mentioned  to  me  :  that 
Mr.  Randolph  never  received,  either  direclly  or  indirectly,  by  himfelf  or 
by  another  for  his  ufe,  one  milling  from  myfelf,  by  my  order,  or  accor- 
ding to  my  knowledge,  he refay  or  belief,  from  any  other  public  officer  of 
France.  I  declare  that  he  never  imade  to  me  in  this  refpeft  a  fingle  over- 
ture ;  and  that  no  part  of  the  above  circumftance  has  the  leaft  relation 
tohim  perfonally.  Farther  I  folernnly  declare,  that  from  the  time  of  my 
arrival  I  have  repeated,  when  an  opportunity  has  prcfented  itfelf,  and  with- 
out doubt  often  in  the  prefence  of  Mr.  Randolph,  that  the  morals  of  my 


[     V     I 

nation  and  ths  candor  of  r  forbid  the  ufc  of  mo- 

ney  in  anv  cii'cumitanee;:,  which  could  n  licly  avowed. 


PH    FAUCHET. 


I  the  undersigned  Peter    '  :fkr  Plenipotentiary 

cf  the  F:  ;:)lic,  certify,  that  the  foregoing  Copy  is  ab- 

foluteiy  conformable  to  the  Declaration  which  Citizen  Faochet, 
mv  predecefTor,  has  >vncc:n  and  iigned  with  his  own  hand,  and 
which  he  has  fent  me  to  be  lodged  in  the  archives  of  the  French 
Legation,  and  in  order  th.it  a  copy  conformable  thereto  may 
be  delivered  to  Mr.  Randolph. 

In  tefrimony  of  which  I  have   figned  thefe  Prefents  2t 
Philadelphia,  on  the  jth  fupplementary  day,   in 
3d  year  of  the  French  Republic*  one  andindivitible. 
September  27,   1795.  (Old  Style). 

P.  A.   AD2T. 


Extract  from  the  political  difpatch^   No.   3,  of  Jofeph  Fauchet,   ij  tbi. 
Mrmfier  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

"  THEN  the  Secretary  of  State  appeared  to  open  himfelf  without 
referve.  He  imparted  to  me  the  inteiiine  divifions,  which  v,-ere  rum- 
bling in  the  Uni  ed  States.  The  idea  oi:  an  approaching  commotion  af- 
ieded  him  deeply.  He  hoped  to  prevent  it,  by  the  afctndancy,  which 
he  daily  acquired  over  the  mind  of  the  Preiident,  who  consulted  him  in 
all  aftairsj  and  to  whom  he  told  the  truth,  which  his  colleagues  dil?uif- 
ed  from  him. 

"  The  Prefident  of  the  United  States,  fays  he,  is  the  mortal  enemy  of 
England  ;  and -the  friend  of  France.  1  can  aiiirm  it  upon  my  honour* 
But  not  mixing  with  the  world,  he  may  be  circumvented  by  the  dark: 
manoeuvres  of  fome  men,  who  wind  themielves  in  an  bundled  ways,  to 
draw  him  into  meafures,  which  will  caufe  him  to  lofe  all  his  popularity* 
Under  the  pretext  of  giving  energy  to  government,  they  would  abiblute- 
ly  make  a  monarch  of  him.  They  deceive  him?  as  to  the  true  ipirir 
of  the  people  ;  as  well  as  upon  the  affairs  of  trance.  1  am  lure,  that 
at  this  moment,  he  efcapes  from  them,  and  that  in  all  thefe  perfidious 
manoeuvres  they  have  not  been  able  to  diffuade.  him  from  pronouncing 
with  vigor  agalnft  the  rriniftry  of  England.  He  has But  it  is  im- 


[     '8     ] 

poflible  for  me  in  confcience  to  make  to  you  this  confeffion.  I  mould  be- 
tray the  duties  of  my  office.  Every  thing,  which  lean  fay  to  you,  is., 
that  it  is  important  for  our  two  nation?,  that  you  continue  to  vifit  him 
frequently.  He  will  be  touched  with  the  proofs  of  friendfhip,  which 
you  (hall  teftify  to  him  ;  and  I  am  fure,  that  this  will  be  an  infallible 
means  ot  caufing  them  to  be  valued.  I  would  quit  the  poft,  which  he 
has  confided  to  me.  if  he  could  be  brought  to  make  any  attempt  upon  the 
rights  of  the  people.  A  bill  has  pafled  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives,  which 
wounds  liberty.  They  have  at  leaft  taken  away  the  article  which  prevents 
the  fale  of  the  French  prizes  in  our  ports.  My  heart  is  troubled  by  it.  But  I 
have  feen  with  pleafure,  that  my  reflections  on  this  fubjecl.  upon  the  dread- 
ful crifis,  which  would  refult  from  an  abufe  of  it,  have  made  a  deep  im- 
prelTion  upon  the  mind,  I  will  even  fay  ; — upon  the  heart  of  the  Frefident, 
who  is  an  honorable  man.  Let  us  unite  Mr.  Fauchet  to  draw  our  two  nati- 
ons clofer  together.  Thofe,  who  love  liberty,  are  tor  fraternizing  with 
the  French  Republic,  the  partizans  of  flavery  prefer  an  alliance  with  Eng- 
land. 

"  I,  he  faid  to  me  (in  fpeaking  of  the  treaty  ot  Jay)*  that  there  is  no 
queftion  in  his  million,  but  to  demand  a  iolemn  reparation  for  the  fpolia- 
tions,  which  our  commerce  has  experienced  on  the  part  of  England ; 
and  to  give  you  a  proof,  that  Mr.  Jay  canno:  enter  into  a  negotiation 
contrary  to  what  we  owe  to  France,  1  will  give  you  the  part  of  the  in- 
ftruclions,  which  concern  it. 

"  Although  the  follou  ing  note,  which  I  have  written  in  his  own  hand, 
with  a  promife  to  bum  it,  be  little  important,  I  annex  it  hereto. 

"  If  the  Englifh  miniftry  fhall  infinuate,  that  the  whole  or  any  part  of 
"  thefe  inftruftions  mould  appear  to  be  influenced  by  a  fuppofed  predi. 
"  leclion  in  favour  of  France,  you  will  arreft  the  fubjr-cl  as  being  foreign 
"  to  the  prefent  queftion.  It  is  what  the  Englim  nation  lias  no  right  to 
«  objecl  to;  becaufe  we  are  free  in  our  fentiments  and  independent  in 
"  our  government." 

"  The  following  cafe  is  to  be  unchangeable.  As  there  is  no  doubt, 
«  that  the  Englillb  miniltry  will  end  avour  to  detach  us  from  France, 
"  you  will  inform  them  of  the  firm  determination  of  the  government  of 
«  the  United  States,  not  to  deviate  from  our  treaties,  or  our  engagc- 
"  ments  with  France." 

r,,  appears  to  bco?nittedin  the  certified  copy* 


Extracl  from  the  political  dif patch,  No.  6>  of  Citizen  Fauchet,  minif- 
ter  plenipotentiary  of  the  French  Republic  to  the  United  States* 

"  SCARCE  was  the  commotion  known,  when  the  Secretary  of 
ftate  came  to  my  houfe.  All  his  countenance  was  grief.  He  requefted 
of  me  a  private  converfation.  It  is  all  over,  he  faid  to  me.  A  civil  war 
is  about  to  ravage  our  unhappy  country.  Four  men  by  their  talents, 
their  influence,  and  their  energy  may  fave  it.  But  debtors  of  Englith 
merchants,  they  will  be  deprived  of  their  liberty,  if  they  take  the  fmall- 
eft  ftep.  Could  you  lend  them  inftantaneoufly  funds,  fufHcicnt  to 


t  19  ] 

flicker  them  from  Engliih  perfecution.  This  enquiry  aSoniflied  me 
much.  It  was  impoffible  tor  me  to  make  a  fatisfadory  anfwer.  You 
know  my  want  of  power,  and  my  defe<ft  of  pecuniary  means.  I  mall 
draw  myfelf  from  the  affair  by  fome  common  place  remarks,  and  by 
throwing  myfelf  on  the  pure  and  unalterable  principles  of  the  republic,, 
"  I  have  never  fmce  heard  of  propofitions  of  this  nature." 


I  the  underfigned  Peter  Auguftus  Adet,  Minifter  Plenipotentiary  of 
the  French  Republic,  near  the  United  States  of  America,  certify  thole  to 
whom  it  may  belong,  that  the difpatches,  No,  3  and  6,  mentioned  in  the 
difpatch  No.  10,  of  the  loth  of  Brumaire,  in  the  3d  year,  addrefied  by- 
Citizen  Fauchet,  my  predecefibr,  to  the  commiflary  of  exterior  relations, 
are  relative  to  a  number  of  objects  entirely  foreign  to  Mr.  Randolph, 
and  that  the  extracts,  which  I  have  delivered  to  him  agreeably  to  his  re- 
queft,  contain  both  the  converfation  and  the  overtures,  of  which  Citizen 
Fauchet  fpeaks  in  his  difpatch. 

1  certify  moreover  that  at  the  requeft  of  Mr.  Randolph  1  have  exam- 
ined  the  difpatches  of  Citizen  Fauchet  to  the  French  government ;  and 
that  whenfoever  Citizen  Fauchet  has  had  occafion  to  fp.eak  of  Mr.  Ran- 
dolph, in  refpeft  to  his  morality,  he  always  defcribes  him  as  an  honeft 
and  upright  mar:. 

Given  at  Philadelphia,  under  my  hand  and  feal  of  the  French  lega- 
tion, the  4th  of  Vendemeaire,  in  the  3d  year  of  the  republic,  one  and 
indivifible. 

P.  A.  ADET. 


To  the  Prejidcnt  of  the  United  Sthtes,  Mount  Vtrnon. 

Philadelphia,  Sept.  21,  1795. 
SIR, 

I  RETURNED  yefterday  from  German  Town ;  and  this  morning 
I  mail  proceed  to  the  examination  of  the  neceflary  papers.  Finding  it 
important  to  one  branch  of  the  fubjeft,  that  1  (hould  alk  a  fmall  addition 
to  the  narrative  in  your  letter  of  the  zoth  ultimo,  I  have  to  requeft,  that 
I  may  be  informed,  as  far  as  may  be  in  your  power,  when  Mr.  Hammond 
put  Mr.  Fauchet's  letter  into  the  hands  of  Mr.  Wolcott,  and  when  aa- 
intimation  was  given,  Sir,  of  that  letter  to  you.  I  wifh  to  afcertain,  with- 
out the  neceffity  of  re  for  ting  to  circumftance?,  the  earlieft  nonce,  which 
you  received  of  the  exiftence  of  fuch  a  letter.  If  you  could  add  the 
probable  time,  when  the  Britim  fecretary  of  ftate,  Lord  Grenville,  ob- 
tained the  letter,  and  when  the  Britiih  miniilerhere  procured  it,  1  Ihould 
be  enabled  to  be  more  particular  in  my  vindication. 

You  inform  me  in  your  letter  of  the  2Oth  ultimo,  that  you  had  never 
fcen  Mr.  Fauchet's  difpach,  No.  6«  which  is  referred  to  in  his  letter;  ami 
as  you  did  not  (hew  or  fend  to  me,  with  the  o;hei  papers,  thediipatui 


'No.  3,  I  Hia'l  continue  to  prefurne,  that  you  have  as  yet  not  ieen  them.  If 
you  have,  it  will  certaily  be  conceived  proper,  that  I  fnould  be  furniihed 
with  copies  of  them,  in  order  that  I  may  know  whether  the  papers  in 
your  hands  under  the  name  of  the  difpatches  No.  3  and  6,  agree  with 
what  has  been  ftated  to  me  as  their  contents ;  and  that  if  there  be  a  dif- 
ference, 1  may  take  the  belt  meafures  for  eflabliming  which  is  true. 

A>  nothing  detains  me  in  Philadelphia,  but  the  completion  of  this  bu- 
iinefs,  which  requires  an  extenfive  detail,  and  large  tranfcription  ot  pa- 
pers, I  mull  hope  that  if  there-  be  any  other  document,  which  bears  the 
lead  affinity  to  the  main  fubjc-cl,  I  may  have  an  opportunity  through  }  oqr 
intervention  of  meeting  it  before  I  take  my  departure  to  Virginia. 


To  Edmund  Randolph,  Ejq. 
SIR, 

I  HAVE  lately  received  three  letters  from  you  :  —  two  bearing  date 
the  i$rh  inltant  ;  —  the  other  the  2  Tit  —One  of  the  former  came  to  hand 
the  »pth  —  the  other  the  2iil  —  and  the  latter  yofterday. 

YOJF  ftgnature  as  Secretary  of  State  to  the  ratification  of  the  Treaty 

having  bf  en  given  on  the  i4th  of  Augulr,  —  and  your  resignation  not  tak- 

ing plijcs  until  the  iQth,  it  became  neceffary,  in  orde*  to  be  confident  (the 

original  lining  clifparchsd)  that  the  fame  counteriign  (hould  appear  to  the 

•  —  otherwife  this  act  would  not  have  been  required  of  you. 

ir  is  not  in  my  power  to  inform  you  at  what  time  Mr.'  Hammond  put 
the  iiitf.rceprecl  letter  of  Mr.  Fauchet  into  the  hands  of  Mr.  Wolcott.  —  > 
I  had  no  intimation  of  the  evidence  or  fuch  a  letter  until  after  my  arri- 
ia  Philadelphia,  the  nth  of  Auguft.  —  When  Lord  Grenville  firft  ob- 
tained  that  letter,  and  when,  the.  Ujritiih  miniiler  here  received  it  from 
httTij  are  iacls  with  which  I  am  entirely  unacquainted. 

I  have  never  feen  in  whole  or  in  part,  Mr.  Fauchet's  difpatchcs  num- 
bered three  and  fix;—  nor  do  I  poncfs  any  document,  or  knowledge 
of  papers  which  have  affinity  to  the  iubjecl  in  queiaon. 

No  man  would  rejoice  more  than  I  ftioulil,  to  find  that  the  fufpicicns 
which  have  refaltcd  from  the  intercepted  letter,  were  unequivocally  and 
honourably  removed. 


Mount  fcrxoK,  27  th  of  September,  1795. 

G°.  WASHINGTON. 


[      21      ] 

Philadelphia,  October  2,   1795- 


SIR, 


I  YESTERDAY  received  from  the  Prefident  a  letter  dated  on  the  27th 
of  September  1795;  containing,  in  anf\ver  to  mine  of  the  2 1  ft, the  following 
claufes.  "  It  is  not  in  my  power  to  inform  you,  at  what  time  Mr.  Ham- 
"  mond  put  the  intercepted  letter  of  Mr.  Fauchet  into  the  hands  of  Mr. 
"  Wolcott.  I  had  no  intimarion  of  the  exiftence  of  Aich  a  letter  until 
Batter  my  arrival  in  Philadelphia^  the  nth  of  Auguft.  When  Lord 
"  Grenville  firft  obtained  that  letter,  and  when  the  Britiih  minifter  here 
"  received  it  from  him,  are  fads  vrith  which  I  am  entirely  unacquainted." 

"  I  have  never  feen  in  whole  or  in  part  Mr.  Fauchet'sdifpatches,  num- 
"  be  red  three  and  fix  ;  nor  do  I  poffefs  any  document  or  knowledge  of 
"  papers,  which  have  affinity  to  the  fubjecl  in  queftion.  ' 

As  the  Britifh  minifter  conveyed  through  your  hands  this  bnfinefs  to 
the  Prefident,  I  hold  myfelf  authorifed  to  inquire  from  you  into  fome 
material  fads,  as  they  probably  reft  in  your  knowledge.  Thefe  are,  as 
to  the  time  when  Mr.  Hammond  put  the  letter  into  your  hands;  as  to 
Lord  Grenviile,  Mr.  Hammond,  or  yourfelf,  having  feen  or  been  poffef- 
fed  of  No.  3  and  6,  or  either  of  them ;  as  to  there  being  any  other  paper 
in  or  out  of  cypher,  connected  with  this  affair,  which  may  be  brought 
up  in  my  abfence.  If  you  have  heard  the  time,  about  which  Lord 
Grenville  firft  obtained  the  letter,  and  when  the  Britifh  minifter  here  re- 
ceived  it  from  him,  information  of  it  will  tend  to  elucidate  fame  other 
points. 

I  am,  Sir, 

Your  humble  fervant, 

EDMUND  RANDOLPH, 
O.  Wolcott,  Kfq. 


Philadelphia,  Oftobcr  zd,  1795* 
SIR, 

I  HAVE  received  your  letter  of  this  date,  and  I  readily  reply  to 
your  enquiries. 

Mr.  Fauchet's  letter  to  which  you  allude  was  delivered  to  me  by  Mr. 
Hammond  on  the  28th  of  July ;  and  on  the  evening  of  the  nth  of  Au- 
guft, J  prefented  it  to  the  Prefident. 

I  have  never  feen  or  been  poflefled  of  Mr.  Fauchet's  letters,  numbered 
3  or  6,  or  either  of  them,  in  or  out  of  cypher,  and  1  have  no  knowledge 
whether  they  or  either  of  them,  have  been  feen  by  Lord  Grenville  or 
Mr.  Hammond. 

D 


r  22  ] 

It  is  impoflible  for  me  to  fay  whether  any  other  document  may  be 
hereafter  brought  into  view,  as  conne&ed  with  the  fubjeci  in  quef- 
tion.  Perhaps  fomething  will  depend  upon  the  manner  in  which  the  dif- 
cuflion  of  this  affair  may  be  managed  on  your  part, — as  this  may  render 
an  enquiry  after  other  papers  neceffary.  You  may  be  allured,  however, 
that  nothing  has  been  at  any  time  concealed  by  me,  to  your  prejudice. 

The  letter  which  I  received  from  Mr.  Hammond,  was,  as  I  have  been 
informed,  taken  from  the  Jean  Bart,  a  French  vefiel. — I  do  not  know 
the  time,  when  it  was  received  by  Lord  Grenville  or  by  Mr.  Hammond. 
It  refts  in  my  memory,  however,  that  Mr.  Hammond  informed  me,  that 
the  letter  had  been  received  by  him,  but  a  ftiort  time  before  it  was  pre- 
fented  to  me,  but  of  this  faft  I  am  not  certain. 


Edmund  Randolph,  Efq, 


I  am,  Sir,  your  humble  fervant, 
OLIV.   WOLCOTT, 


Philadelphia,  OBober  8,  1795. 


SIR, 


YOU  miftook  me,  if  you  fuppoied,  that  I  meant  to  propound  to  you 
any  queition,  the  anfwerto  which  mould  prevent  the  appearance  of  any 
paper  whatsoever.  I  knew  that  this  muft  depend  upon  the  head  of  the 
executive  ;  and  I  put  at  defiance  all  papers,  which  now  are,  or  hereafter 
may  be  feen.  1  only  wiihed  to  learn,  before  my  departure  for  Virginia, 
whether  any  thing  more  than  the  letter,  No.  10,  had  been  ufed  in  Mr. 
Hammond's  machin?tions ;  fo  as  to  be  able  to  prepare  no--w  to  repel  it. 

It  is  material,  however,  to  underftand  what  obfervations,  or  meflage, 
from  Mr.  Hammond  or  his  government  accompanied  the  communication 
of  the  letter  to  you  ;  in  order  that  they  might  be  tranfmitted  to  the  Pre- 
fident.  For  if  lam  to  judge  from  fome  hints,  which  have  been  given  in 
the  public  prints,  and  from  other  data,  I  have  reafon  to  conclude,  that 
Mr.  Hammond  was  particularly  inflrutted  upon  the  occafion._  In  fhort, 
candor  entitles  me  to  expeft,  that  you  will  not  hefitate  to  give  me  this 
information. 

I  am,  Sir, 
Your  humble  fervant, 

EDMUND  RANDOLPH. 
Q.  Wolcott,  Efq. 


Philadelphia,  Oftober  8,  1795. 

SIR, 

NOTWITHSTANDING  I  am  convinced,  that  a  knowledge  of  the 
minute  circumftances  mentioned  in  your  letter  oi  this  date,  cannot  be  ma- 
terial to  your  defence,  and  though  you  have  already  been  particularly  in- 
formed of  the  manner  in  which  Mr.  Fauchet's  letter  was  conveyed  to 
the  Prefident ;  yet  1  mean  not  to  incur  the  imputation  of  wanting  can- 
dour, by  forbearing  a  reply  to  your  inquiry. 

When  the  exiftence  of  the  intercepted  letter  was  firft  mentioned  to  me 
by  Mr.  Hammond,  he  did  not  intimate,  or  requeit,that  its  contents  might 
be  communicated  to  the  Prefident : — it  v.  as  my  own  fuggeftion,  that  the 
letter  ought  to  be  delivered  to  me  for  that  purpofe  : — to  this  Mr.  Ham- 
mond finally  affented,  upon  the  condition  that  a  copy,  certified  by  me, 
fhould  remain  in  his  hands. 

My  motive  for  wifhing  to  obtain  the  original  letter  will  readily  bedif- 
cerned  : — without  pofiefiing  5t,  I  could  not  fafeiy  venture  to  make  any 
reprefentation  of  its  contents,  and  1  felr  no  difpofition  to  be  the  fecret 
depofitory  of  fads  affecting  not  only  your  character,  but  alfo  the  public 
interefts. 

The  nature  of  your  inquiries  on  this  fubjeft  leads  me  to  allure  you, 
that  I  am  not  converfant  in  the  fecrets  of  foreign  minifters,  and  that  I 
cannot  fay  whether  Mr.  Hammond  was,  or  was  not,  particularly  infirutted 
to  communicate  Mr.  Fauchet's  letter  to  the  PreiideiU  ; — no  fuchinitruc- 
tion  was  mentioned  to  me. 

I  am,  Sir,  your  obedient  fervant, 

OL1V.   WOLCOTT. 
Edmund  Randolph,  Efq. 

Philadelphia,  QJlcL'rS,  1795- 
SIR, 

UNTIL  Monday  laft  I  did  not  obtain  from  the  office  thofe  of  my 
own  letters,  which  I  deem  proper  to  be  introduced  into  my  vindication. 
But  I  ftill  want  the  infpeftion  of  a  letter  from  you,  dared  July  22,  1795? 
and  received  by  me.  I  applied  nerfonally  at  the  office  on  Saturday  laft 
for  the  fight  of  your  letters  to  me.  The  chief  clerk  went  into  the  room, 
in  which  Air.  Pickering  fits,  to  confult  him,  at  my  defire,  upon  my  appli- 
cation. He  afterwards  carried  to  Mr.  Pickering  a  brown  paper ;  and 
on  his  return  placed  it  before  me.  It  contained  many  of  your  letters,  and 
was  indorfed  to  this  purport,  «  The  Prefident' 's  Letters."  I  prefumed, 
that  they  were  all  there  ;  as  no  mention  was  made  to  me  of  any,  that  were 


miffing.  But  not  finding  that  of  July  22,  1795*  I  alked  forit;  and  the 
chief  clerk  replied,  that  Mr.  Pickering  had  juft  taken  it  out ;  and  that 
upon  his  faying,  that  I  might  probably  vvilh  to  fee  it,  Mr.  Pickering  had 
obferved,  that,  if  I  did,  I  would  afk  for  it.  I  accordingly  afked  for  it 
again  ;  but  wasantwered,  that  it  was  neceflary  to  coniult  Mr.  Wolcott, 
Not  hearing  any  thing  late  on  Monday  from  the  chief  clerk,  I  reminded  him 
by  a  note,and  on  Tuefday  received  thro'  him  the  rancorous  and  infolent  an- 
fwer  of  Mr.  Pickering,  which  amounts  to  a  pofnive  refufal,  and  of  which 
du^  notice  will  hereafter  be  taken.  I  affirm  to  you,  that  I  hold  that 
letter  to  be  important  to  one  of  the  views,  which  the  queftion  will  bear. 
As  I  aim  at  accuracy  in  my  ftatements,  1  am  anxious  to  prevent  a  mif- 
take  in  my  recollection  of  that  letter,  and  therefore  requeil  the  infpec- 
tion  oi  it. 

Mr.  Fauchet's  letter  and  the  circumftances  which  preceded  and  at- 
tended the  delivery  of  it  to  me,  embrace  a  variety  of  political  matter, 
connected  with  many  documents.  The  papers  and  reafonings  in  my  ge- 
neral letter  will  comprehend  among  others  the  following:  my  letter  to 
the  governor  of  Vermont,  on  the  28th  of  July,  1794;  Mr.  Bradford's 
letter  from  Fort  Pitt,  on  the  I7th  of  Auguft,  1794;  mine  to  the  Secre- 
tary of  thrf  Treafury,  on  the  z8th  of  Auguit  1794;  a  letter,  which 
in  the  latter  end  of  July,  17134,  y°Q  directed  me  to  write  to  a  certain 
perfon ;  two  late  letters  to  Col.  Monroe  ;  my  letter  to  Mr.  Jay  on  tire 
l8th  Auguft,  1794;  my  laft  circular  letter  to  our  minifters ;  your  leu 
ters  to  me  on  the  zzd  and  3ift  July,  1795.  with  the  memorial  therein 
referred  to;  my  letter  to  you  on  the  izth  of  July,  179$  ;  the  affidavit, 
which  was  laid  before  you  of  the  Britilh  being  fuppofed  to  be  concern- 
ed in  the  infurredion;  the  advice  of  another  gentleman  and  myfelf  to 
you,  on  the  25th  of  Auguft  1794;  extrads  from  Mr.  Jay's  and  Mr. 
Monroe's  inftrudions ;  and  rny  letter  to  you  on  the  i$th  Auguft  1794. 

You  muft  be  fenfible,  Sir,  that  I  am  inevitably  driven  into  the  dif- 
cuflion  of  many  confidential  and  delicate  points.  I  could  with  fafety 
immediately  appeal  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  who  can  be  of 
no  party.  But  I  mall  wait  for  your  anfwer  to  this  leiter,  fo  far  as  it  re. 
ipeds  the  paper  defired,  before  I  forward  to  you  my  general  letter,  which 
is  delayed  for  no  other  caufc.  I  lhail  alfo  rely,  that  any  fuppofed  error 
in  the  general  letter,  in  regard  to  fads,  will  be  made  known  to  me,  and 
that  you  will  confent  to  the  whole  of  this  affair,  howfoever  confidential 
and  delicate,  being  exhibited  to  the  world. 

At  the  fame  time,  I  prefcribe  to  myfelf  this  condition,  not  to  mingle 
any  thing  which  I  do  not  fincerely  conceive  to  belong  to  the  fubjed. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  Sir, 
With  due  refped, 

Your  moft  obedient  fervant 

EDM:  RANDOLPH. 
The  Prefident  of  the  United  States,  Mount  Yemen. 


SIR, 

AGREEABLY  to  the  fuggeftion  in  your  note  to  me,  received  yefter- 
day,  I  laid  the  fame  before  Colonel  Pickering,  whofe  anfwer  I  am  au- 
thorized to  fend  you,  in  the  following  words,  viz. 

"  The  letter  from  the  Prefident,  dated  the  22d  of  July,  1795,  of  which 
Mr.  Randolph  has  requefted  the  infpection,  does  not  appear  to  have  any 
connection  with  the  intercepted  letter  of  Mr.  Fauchet  ;  and,  cannot  pof- 
fibly  have  referred  to  it ;  becaufe  the  Prefident  was  at  that  time  ignorant 
even  ot  its  exiftence :  and  Mr.  Randolph  perfectly  well  knows  that  his 
refignation  was  occafioned  folely  by  the  evidence  of  his  criminal  conducl 
exhibited  in  Mr.  Faucher's  letter.  The  infpection  of  the  Prefident's 
letter  then  cannot  be  necefiary  for  Mr.  Randolph's  exculpation.1' 

Department  of  State,  O&obtr  6,  1795. 

GEO  :  TAYLOR,  jun.  Chief  Clerk. 
Edmund  Randolph,  Efquire. 


To  Edmund  Randolph,  Efquire. 
SIR, 

IN  feveral  of  the  public  gazettes  I  have  read  your  note  to  the  Editor 
of  the  Philadelphia  Gazette,  with  an  extract  of  a  letter  addrefied  to  me 
of  the  8th  inftant  ;  but  it  was  not  until  yefterday,  that  the  letter  itfelf 
was  received. 

It  is  not  difficult,  from  the  tenor  of  that  letter,  to  perceive  what  your 
objects  are;  but  that  you  may  have  no  caufe  to  complain  of  the  withhold- 
ing any  paper  (however  private  and  confidential)  which  you  fhall  think 
neceflary  in  a  cafe  of  fo  ferious  a  nature,  I  have  directed  that  you  fhculd 
have  the  infpeclion  of  my  letter  of  the  22d  of  July,  agreeably  to  your 
requeft  : — and  you  are  at  full  liberty  to  publifn,  without  referve,  any  and 
every  private:  and  confidential  letter  I  ever  wrote  you  ; — nay  more — eve- 
ry word  I  ever  uttered  to,  or  in  your  prefence,  irom  whence  you  can  de- 
rive any  advantage  in  your  vindication. 

1  grant  this  permifiion,  inafmuch  as  the  extract  alluded  to,  maniferUy 
tends  to  imprefs  on  the  public  mind  an  opinion,  that  fomething  has  palled 
between  us  which  you  mould  difclofe  with  reluctance ;  from  motives  of 
delicacy  which  refpeft  me. 

You  know,  Sir,  even  before  the  treaty  was  laid  before  the  Senate,  that 
I  had  difficulties  with  refpecl  to  the  commercial  part  ot  it ;  with  which 
I  profefTed  to  be  the  lead  acquainted;  and  that  J  had  no  means  of  acquir- 
ing information  thereon  without  difclofing  its  contents  : — not  to  do  which 
until  it  was  fubmitted  to  the  Senate,  had  been  refolved  en. — You  know 


[     26     ] 

too,  that  it  was  my  determination  previous  to  this  fubmiffion,  to  ratify 
the  treaty  if  it  fhould  be  fo  advifed  and  confented  to  by  that  body;-— 
and  that  the  doubts  which  afterwards  arofe,  and  were  communicated  to 
Mr.  Hammond,  proceeded  from  more  authentic  information  of  the  exif- 
tence  of  what  is  commonly  called  the  Provilion  order  of  the  Britidi  go- 
vernment.— And  finally,  vou  know  the  grounds  on  which  my  ultimate  de- 
cifion  was  taken  ;  as  the  fame  were  exprefled  to  you,  the  other  fecretaries 
of  departments,  and  the  late  attorney  general,  after  a  thorough  inveftiga- 
tion  and  confide  ration  of  the  fubjecl,  in  all  the  afpects  in  which  it  could 
be  placed. 

As  you  are  no  longer  an  officer  of  the  government,  and  propofe  to 
fubmit  your  vindication  to  the  public,  it  is  not  my  defire,  nor  is  it  my  in- 
tention to  receive  it  otherwise  than  through  the  medium  of  the  prefs, — - 
Fads  you  cannot  miftake—  and  if  they  are  fairly  and  candidly  itated,tbey 
will  invite  no  comments. 

The  extracl  of  your  letter  to  me,  dated  the  8th  inftant,  bei?ig  publifh- 
ed  in  all  the  gazettes,  I  requeft  that  this  letter  may  be  inferred  in  the  com- 
pilation  you  are  now  making; — as  well  to  mew  my  difpofition  to  furnifh 
you  with  every  means  I  polfefs  towards  your  vindication,  as  that  I  have 

no  wifri  to  conceal  any  part  of  my  conduct  from  the  public. That 

public  will  judge,  when  it  comes  to  fee  your  vindication,  how  far,  and  how 
proper  it  has  been  for  you,  to  publifti  private  and  confidential  communi- 
cations— which,  oftentimes  have  been  written  in  a  hurry,  and  fometimes 
without  even  copies  being  taken. — And  it  will,  1  hope,  appreciate  my 
motives,  even  if  it  mould  condemn  my  prudence,  in  allowing  you  the 
unlimited  licenfe  herein  contained. 

Philadelphia  zijl  of  OElober,  1795. 

G°  :  WASHINGTON, 


Philadelphia,  Ottober  24,  1795. 
SI  R, 

I  AFFIRM  to  you,  that  the  delay  which  has  occurred  in  the  arrival 
of  my  letter  of  the  8th  inftant  to  your  hands,  is  not  to  be  afcribed  to 
me.  It  was  fent  to  the  poll-office  on  Friday  the  gth,  but  too  late  1  be- 
lieve for  the  mail  of  that  day.  If  1  am  not  mifmfonrcd,  it  reached  Alex- 
andria on  Wednefday  the  i^th  ;  from  whence  it  was  brought  back  on 
Saturday  the  I7th  ;  you  having  pafled  through  that  town  on  your  return. 
You  came  hither  on  Tuefday,  the  zoth,  in  the  afternoon. 

Whatfoever  my  objects  may  be  fuppofcd  to  be,  1  have  but  one  ;  which 
is,  to  defend  my f elf.  Your  unlimited  permiflion  of  publication  is  therefore 
as  you  muft  be  well  perfuaded,  given  without  hazard.  For  you  never 
could  believe,  that  1  intended  to  exhibit  to  public  view  all  and  e^ery 
thing  which  was  known  to  me.  I  have  indeed  the  fenfibility  of  an  in  jur- 
ied man;  but  I  fhall  difclofe  even  what  I  am  compelled  todifclofe,  under 


t  27  ] 

r  the  operation  of  the  neceiTity  which  you  yourfelf  have  created.     I   have 

»  been  the  meditated  vic:irn  of  party  fpirit. 

From  the  tenor  of  your  letter  01  the  2ift  inftanf,  I  perceive  that  ^011 
have  control/led  the  opinions  of  Mr.  Pickering  and  Mr.  Vvoicotr,  ny  vir- 
tually admitting  your  proceedings  on  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain  to  be 
material  in  the  cafe  to  be  laid  before  our  country.  I  rr.uft  however  con- 
tend, from  a  variety  of  written  and  other  proofs  in  my  poflefflon  that  what 
you  in  that  letter  denominate,  "  doubts  communicated  ts  Mr.  Hammond" 
will  be  found  to  have  been  confidered  by  you  from  the  i3th  of  July  to 
the  nth  of  Auguft,  as  "  your  determination  ;"  and  that  "  the  grounds  on 
which  jour  ultima te  decijion  was  profejfed  to  be  taken^1  were  little  if  at  all 
different  from  thofe  which  had  been  often  examined  by  you  before  my 
interview  with  Mr.  Hammond. 

My  intention  in  troubling  you  with  my  letter  of  detail  was  merely  to 
prevent  a  controverfy  about  fafts.  But  iince  you  reft  them  upon  my 
iiatement,  I  pledge  myfelf  to  aim  at  accuracy.  If  1  do  Rot  fucceed,  it 
will  not  be  my  fault  that  an  error  mall  have  crept  into  my  narrative. 
But  I  fhall  be  ready  to  correct  it,  and  to  renounce  any  inference  which 
I  may  have  deduced  from  it. 

Your  letter,  Sir,  of  yefterday,  (hall  bepubiifhed  as  you  requeft.  To  the 
people  I  always  meant  to  appeal.  It  will  be  in  the  form  of  a  letter  addrefled 
to  you,  as  many  of  the  fafts  are  heft  known  to  you  ;  but  I  (hail  difclaim, 
as  I  have  always  difclaimed,  an  appeal  to  a.i  interior  authority.  The  peo- 
ple v/ili  fee,  that  1  have  not  imitated  fome  others,  in  treafuring  up  your 
letters  or  obfervations,  from  any  expectation  of  producing  them  at  a  fu- 
ture day;  that  I  have  never  betrayed  your  confidence;  and  that  even 
where  "  your  prudence  may  be  condemned,'"  your  "  unlimited  licence," 
is  no  more,  than  a  qualified  effort  to  do  juftice.  It  would  have  been  lefs 
equivocal,  if  it  had  not  been  accompanied  with  a  kind  of  threat ;  and  the 
candour,  which  the  letter  feems  to  wear,  would  have  been  more  feaiona- 
ble,  had  it  commenced  with  this  injurious  bufinefs.  You  hold,  Sir,  a 
number  of  my  private  letters,  of  which  I  kept  no  ccpy,  and  which  I  fhould 
be  giad  to  inipecl.  But  notwithstanding  they  would  add  weight  to  the 
proofs,  which  I  might  produce,  of  all  my  opinions  to  you  being  founded 
on  a  regard  to  the  rights  of  the  people,  and  a  love  of  order,  I  fhall 
leave  them  with  jourfelf,  as  evidences  of  my  fidelity. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  Sir, 
Wkh  due  refpeft, 

Your  moft  obedient  fervanr, 

EDM:    RANDOLPH. 
The  Prefideht  ot  the  United  States. 


FINDING  from  the  foregoing  letter  of  the  Prefident, 
and  other  fourcescf  information,  that  we  are  likely  to  differ 
in  degree  upon  his  proceedings  in  regard  to  the  treaty  ; 
I  (honld  have  apprized  him  beforehand  of  the  manner  in 
which  I  have  always  underftcod  them.  But  being  led  by 
one  of  the  expreilions  in  that  letter,  to  iuppofe,  that  he 
is  not  deiirous  of  entering  iruo  a  previous  diicufnon  of 
facts  ;  I  (hail  endeavour  explicii.lv  to  reprefent  the  intire 
truth ;  after  repeating,  that  it  (hall  not  be  my  fault,  if  it 
be  not  difplayed. 

The  treaty  arrived  on  the  evening  of  the  yth  day  of 
March,  1795;  and  was  by  the  Prefident's  order  rigidly 
concealed  by  me  from  every  perfon  upon  earth,  without 
a  lingle  exception,  until  I  was  permitted  to  divulge  it.  I 
challenge  the  whole  world  to  prove  the  contrary.  Scarcely 
a  day  palled,  on  which  he  fawr  me,  that  he  did  not  enumerate 
many  objections  to  it; — objections,  going  not  only  to  the 
commercial  part,  but  allo  to  the  Canada  article,  which 
though  feemingly  reciprocal  in  words,  would,  as  he 
thought,  want  reciprocity  in  practice;  to  the  omiflion  of 
Ccmpenfation  for  the  negroes  and  property  plundered; 
and  to  fome  other  parts  of  lefs  confequence.  When  the 
mefiage,which  was  to  accompany  the  treaty  to  the  Senate, 
was  about  to  be  prepared,  at  the  latter  end  of  May  1795, 
I  obferved  to  him,  that  it  was  neceilary  for  him  to  make 
up  his  mind  to  ratify  or  not;  and  he  anfwered,  that  al- 
though the  treaty  was  fo  exceptionable  to  him,  yet  he 
would  not  fe  pa  rate  from  the  Senate.  At  this  time  the  or- 
;  der  of  the  Eritifh  king  for  feizing  our  provilion-veffels, 
bound  to  France,  Lad  never  been  heard  of  by  the  Prefi- 
dent ;  and  even  then  he  confidered  himfelf  as  at  perfect 
liberty,  to  ratify  or  not.  On  the  24th  of  June  1795,  the 
Senate  adviied  the  conditional  ratification.  He  then  ex- 
preffed  a  with,  that  the  public  opinion  could  be  heard  up- 
on the  fubjecft  ;  and  notwithstanding  the  vote  of  the  Se- 
nate as  to  fecrecy,  he  authorized  me  on  the  29th  to  pro- 
mile  [o  Mr.  Brown  the  printer  a  copy  of  the  treaty  for 
publication,  with  a  view  to  draw  forth  the  fentiments  of 
the  people.  I  accordingly  gave  him  a  paragraph  for  in- 
fertion  on  Monday  the  2qth,  alluring  the  public,  that  the 


treaty  would  appear  on  the  Wednefday  following.  Mr. 
Brown  would  have  received  the  copy  of  the  treaty  imme- 
diately, if  I  had  not  delivered  the  only  one,  which  J  had, 
to  Mr.  Adet  the  French  minifter  by  the  Prefident's  direc- 
tion. But  before  Wednefday  arrived,  it  came  forth  from' 
another  prefs. 

During  the  fitting  of  the  Senate,  a  paragraph  appeared 
In  an  Englifh  paper,  mentioning  the  foregoing  proviiion- 
order,  as  it  is  called.  But  there  was  nothing  iatisfaclory 
concerning  its  exiftence  or  particulars.  When  they-rofe, 
the  Prelident  was  fo  far  convinced,  though  not  officially, 
of  its  exiftence,  that  he  admitted  it,  as  a  fad,  upon  which 
to  reafon  in  refpecl  to  the  treaty.  rl  hen  it  was,  that  is, 
loon  after  the  Senate  rofe,  that  he  began  to  balance, whe- 
ther to  ratify  or  not.  He  acknowledges  that  he  doubted  ; 
and  I  am  ready  to  own  that  (hortly  after  the  riling  of  the. 
Senate,  until  the  1  3th  of  July  1795,  he  doubted  only  ; 
though  with  great  flrength.  This  it  was,  which  induced 
me  to  hold  with  Mr.  Hammond,  the  cohverlation  of  the 
of  June  1 795  *,  which  is  recorded  in  the  department 


*  Sub/lance  of  a  Converfanon  with  Mr.  Hammond,  June  29, 1795, 
ii  o'Clock,  A.  M* 

I  called  upon  him,  and  told  him,  that  as  he  wifticd  formerly  a  fight  of 
the  treaty  when  I  could  not  ihew  it  to  him,  I  would  now  very  willing- 
ly impart  it,  if  he  wilhcd  to  fee  it.  He  faid,  that  he  fuppofed  the  ef- 
fcnce  of  it  was  in  Bache's  paper  of  this  morning.  •  1  replied,  that  the  de- 
tail would  givt  the  fubjeCt  more  completely.  He  then  faid,  that  irankly 
fpeaking  he  had  feen  a  copy,  which  *  a  member  of  the  Senate  had  brought  to 
him:  that  he  was  much  pleafed  with  the  treaty  himfelf.  This  laft  ex- 
preliion  was  put  into  two  or  three  different  ihapes,  to  draw  lomething  from 
me.  I  obferved  only,  that  by  the  conilitution  it  now  refted  with  the  Pre- 
ildent,  and  that  he  had  entered  into  the  confideration  of  the  fubjecl.  He 
then  read  a  letter  from  Lord  Grenville  to  him,  on  the  i8th  ot  April  179$, 
expreffing  great  folicitude  at  not  having  heard  of  the  arrival  of  the  treaty 
at  Philadelphia;  and  urging  Mr.  Hammond  to  give  the  earlieft  notice  of 
its  arrival,  and  of  the  Heps  taken.  Our  converfa;ion  clofed  with  his  fay- 
ing, that  if  he  wiihed  to  confult  the  treaty  further,  he  would  call  upon 
me  ior  a  further  infpeftion  of  it. 

EDM:  RANDOLPH. 

*    Mr. 


t  30  ] 

of  ftate,  and  was  approved  by  the  Prefident.  This  it  was, 
which  induced  me  to  write  to  Mr.  Monroe  en  the  2d  of  Ju- 
ly 1795,  under  the  Prefident's  eye  and  fpecial  correction, 
that  "  the  Prefident  has  not  yet  decided  upon  the  final 
meafure  to  be  adopted  by  himfeif."  This  it  was,  which 
induced  him  to  confult  all  the  officers  of  government  up- 
on fome  collateral  points.  This  it  was,  which  induced 
him  to  confult  a  certain  individual  upcn  the  treaty  at 
large  ;  and  to  require  me  to  give  an  opinion,  which. I  de- 
livered to  him  on  the  12th  of  July  1795,  in  the  even- 
ing. 

That  opinion  will  be  particularly  dated  in  my  general 
letter.  But  it  is  necelfary  to  quote  the  following  con- 
cluding pafTages: 

"  1  take  the  liberty  then  of  fuggefting,  that  a  perfonal  interview  be, 
immediately  had  between  the  fecretary  of  Hate  and  Mr.  Hammond,  and 
that  the  fubftance  of  the  addrefs  to  him  be  this. — 

"  1  know,  fir,  that  you  are  acquainted  with  the  late  treaty  between 
the  United  States  and  his  Britannic  Majefty  ;  and  prefume,  that  you  have 
feen  the  vote  of  the  Senate,  advifing  a  ratification  of  it  upon  condition. 
That  treaty  being  ftill  fubjeft  to  the  negative  of  the  Frefident  is  now  be- 
fore him,  undetermined  as  to  its  fate.  The  candour,  which  has  reigned 
throughout  our  proceedings,  induces  me,  with  the  permiflion  of  the  Prefi- 
dent,  to  explain  to  you,  as  the  minifter  plenipotentiary  of  his  Britannic 
Majefty  near  the  U  ited  States,  what  is  the  cou.rfe  of  his  reflection  upon 
this  momentous  tranfaftion.  If  his  Majefty  could  doubt  the  fincerity  of 
the  Prefident's  profeifions  to  maintain  full  harmony  with  the  Britiih  na- 
tion, his  doubt  would  vanifh,  when  he  is  told,  fir,  as  I  now  tell  you, 
that,  notwithstanding  after  the  moft  mature  confideration  of  the  treaty, 
there  are  feveral  parts  by  no  means  coincident  with  his  vvifhes  and  expec- 
tations; yet  he  had  determined  to  ratify  it,  in  the  manner  advifed  by  the 
Senate. — He  had  determined  to  put  his  hand  to  it  without  again  fubmit* 
ting  it,  even  after  the  infertion  cf  the  new  article,  to  the  Senate. 

"  But  we  are  informed  by  the  public  gazettes,  and  by  letters  tolerably 
authentic,  that  veffels,  even  American  veffels,  laden  with  provifions  for 
France,  may  be  captured  and  dealt  with,  as  carrying  a  kind  of  qualified 
contraband.  If  this  be  not  true,  you  can  correct  me. 

"  Upon  the  fuppofition  of  its  truth,  the  Prefident  cannot  perfuade 
himfelt,  that  he  ought  to  ratify,  during  the  exiftence  of  the  order.  His 
leafons  will  be  detailed  in  a  proper  reprefentation  through  you  (Mr.  Ham- 
mond) to  his  Britannic  Majefty.  At  the  fame  time,  that  order  being  re- 
moved, he  will  ratify  without  delay,  or  farther  fcruple.  Of  this  allo  his 
Britannic  Majefty  will  be  informed  in  the  moft  explicit  and  unequivocal 
terms. 

"  Now,  fir,  the  objecl:  of  my  interview  with  you  arifes  from  my  recol- 
le&ion  of  your  having  exprefled  tome  a  wifh>that  the  ratifications  fhould 


[     31      ] 

be  exchanged  here ;  in  order  that  you  might  have  fome  agency  in  doling 
the  treaty.  1  am  thus  led  to  believe,  that  it  may  not  be  difagreeable  to 
you,  to  undertake  what  I  mall  now  have  the  honour  of  propofing  to  you. 

"  Suppofing  tha:  Mr.  Jay's  negociation  would  abforb  every  controver- 
fy  :  that  nothing  would  be  left  to  be  done  for  fome  time  in  the  ordinary 
courfe  of  refidence:  and  that  Mr.  Pinckney  would  have  returned  to  Lon- 
don before  he  was  wanted  there,  he  was  difpatched,  as  our  envoy  to  Ma- 
drid. Ke  did  not  commence  his  journey  until  the  nth  of  May  laft. 
The  fecretary  of  the  legation,  Mr.  Deas,  is  the  only  perfon  remaining  in 
London,  as  the  political  agent  of  the  United  States.  Being  defirous  of 
communicating  every  thing  here,  as  far  as  we  can,  it  has  occurred  to  me 
to  Hate  in  a  memorial  to  you  the  fnuation  of  the  bufmefs,  and  the  fore- 
going declaration  of  the  Prefident's  purpofe  to  ratify.  This,  we  prefume, 
will  be  immediately  tranfmitted  through  you  to  the  Britifii  miniitry.  The 
reply  may  be  handed  to  Mr.  Deas.  You  will  alfo  be  furnimed  with  a  copy 
of  the  form,  in  which  the  Prefident  means  to  ratify,  when  the  order  is 
refunded. 

«  The  Preiident  had  indeed  once  thought  to  order  one  of  our  Euro- 
pean minifters  on  to  London  to  fupply  for  this  purpofe  the  place  of  Mr. 
Pinckney.  But  the  moft  weighty  objections  render  this  impracticable; 
and  it  may  be  alfo  conceived  that  to  fend  over  a  frefh  diplomatic  cha- 
racter at  this  ftage  of  the  bufinefs,  would  neither  be  very  eafy,  nor  very 
expeditious. 

"  It  is  alfo  contemplated  by  the  Prefident  to  propofe  that  for  the  pur- 
pofe of  faving  delay,  the  ratifications  may  be  exchanged  here.  Ft  r  al- 
though he  does  not  doubt  the  conftitutionality  of  the  Senate's  acl:,  and  is 
advifed  too,  that  the  propofed  article,  if  agreed  to  by  his  Britannic  Ma- 
jefty,  need  not  be  fubmitted  to  them  before  ratification,  yet  he  enter- 
tains ferious  doubts  whether  he  can  himfelf  ratify,  without  having  the 
very  article  under  his  eye,  after  it  mail  have  been  aflented  to  by  his  Bri- 
tannic Majefty.  The  difference  of  time  in  the  one  form  or  the  other  will 
confirt  onlv  in  a  voyage  from  London  to  Philadelphia.  Provifion  will  be 
made  for  the  fubfcription  in  London  of  any  papers,  which  form  may  re- 
quire. 

"  You  will  oblige  me,  fir,  by  giving  me  your  fentiments  on  tliis  ftate- 
ment." 

In  the  morning  of  the  13th  of  July  1795,  the  PrefT- 
dent  intlrucled  me  in  his  room,  to  have  the  propofed  in- 
terview with  Mr.  Hammond  immediately,  and  to  addrefs 
him  as  I  had  fuggeiled.  I  inlhntly  returned  to  the  of- 
fice, and  fent  a  note,  requellmg  him  to  come  thither. 
He  came  in  half  an  hour ;  and  I  executed  the  Prefident's 
inftruclions.  Mr.  Hammond  afked  me,  if  it  would  not 
be  fufficient  to  remove  the  order  out  of  the  way  ;  and  af- 
ter the  ratification  to  renew  it?  I  replied,  perhaps  with 
fome  warmth,  that  this  would  be  a  mere  fhift,  as  the  prin- 
ciple was  the  important  thing.  He  then  afked  me,  if 


the  Prefideiu  was  irrevocably  determined  not  to  ratify; 
if  the  pro  ilion-order  was  not  removed?  I  anfwered,  that 
I  was  not  inilrucled  upon  that  point.  He  faid,  that  he 
wouid  convey  my  obfervations  to  Lord  Grenviiie  by  a  vef- 
fei  which  wao  to  fail  the  next  day  ;  and  then  left  me. 

I  immediately  returned  to  the  Preiident's  room,  and 
acquainted  him  with  the  foregoing  circumilances.  Fie 
faid,  that  I  might  have  informed  Mr.  Hammond,  that  lie 
never  would  ratify,  if  the  provilion-order  was  not  re- 
moved out  of  the  way. — He  then  direcled  me  to  prepare 
the  memorial  of  which  I  had  fpcken  to  Mr.  Hammond, 
the  form  of  ratification,  and  inftruclions  for  the  perib-n, 
who  was  to  manage  the  buiinefs  in  London: 

The  next  day,  being  Tuefday  the  14'h  of  July  1795, 
I  met  with  Mr.  Hammond  at  the  Prefident' s  public  room  ; 
when  he  took  me  on  one  fide,  ard  again  enquired  of  me, 
if  he  uas  irreT  ocably  determined  not  to  ratify  the  treaty 
dm  ing  the  exiilence  of  the  prcvifion-order  ?  added,  that 
he  had  vvntten  to  Lord  Grenviiie,  what  I  had  com- 
municated to  lum  the  day  before;  and  aflced  me,  when 
he  nj.ght  expecl  the  memorial,  which  my  communica- 
tion prormied  to  him.  It  is  true,  that  with  refpecl  to  the 
proviiion-oider  I  mi^ht  have  told  him,  what  the  Prehdent 
had  declared  rhedjy  before.  But  as  my  converfation  was  de- 
xfigned  omy  to  (hew,  that  the  Prefident  had  net  let  the  fub- 
jecl  fleep,  and  tiiat  he  had  taken  his  deciiion  ;  and,  as  the 
promred  memorial  would  fo  foon  repeat  the  fame  ideas, 
I  faw  no  neceflity  for  changing  for  the  preient  the  ground, 
upon  which  it  had  been  placed  by  me.  As  to  the  memo- 
rial, I  engaged,  that  he  fhould  have  it  before  he  failed  ; 
which  was  fufficiently  early  for  every  purpofe  ;  fince  it 
was  propofed  by  me  in  my  letter  abovementioned,  on 
the  12th  of  July  1795,  and  approved  by  ihe  Preiident 
en  the  next  clay,  not  to  fend  ever  a  new  minifler  ; — but 
to  ufe  Mr.  Hammond's  agency. — I  do  not  aiTert  that  I 
related  to  the  Prefident  this  lafl  converfation  with  Mr. 
Hammond  ;  but  I  believe  I  did. 

The  Prefident  left  this  city  for  MountVernon  onWed- 
nefday  the  15th  of  July  1795.  As  f6on  afterwards  as  an  in- 
difpofition,  and  the  nature  of  the  fubjecl,  would  permit,  J 


.     [     33     ] 

prepared,  as  will  be   immediately  flatcd,  the  me  me 
and  at  different  times  feeing  Mr.  Hammond,  and  i  earning 
from  him,  when  he  expected  to  go,  I  coniiantly  allured 
him,  that  it  Ihould  be  ready  for  him.     Not  having  b  . 
copies  ot  all  the  private  letters,  which  I  wrote  to  the  Pre- 
fident,  while  he  was  in  Virginia,   I  may  not  perhaps  ob- 
ierve  the  due  order  in  mentioning  the  papers  >  but  ior  the 
facls  in  ether  refpecls  I  vouch. 

i  he  Prefident  wrote  to  me  from  Baltimore  on  the  i8th 
of  July   1795,  defiring,  that  the  addrefs  of  the  people  of 
Boilon  ftiouid  be  taken  into  confideration  by  the  fecreta- 
ries  and  attorney  general.     They  were  collected  immedi- 
diat elv  upon  the  receipt  of  the  letter ;  and  did  not  at  once 
agree,whether  an  anfwer  {houid  or  iliould  not  be  leturned. 
But  it  was  mentioned  then  by  me,  as   I  had  mentioned 
to  one  or  two  at  leaft  of  them  before,  and  as  I  ment;. 
again  the  next  day,  that  the  Prefident  had  taken  a  deter- 
mination purluant  to  the  abovementioned  communk ; 
to  Mr.  Hammond.      It  was  on  this  facl,  that  the  ai 
to  that  addrefs  contained  the  following  paiTage  : — "  Under 
this  perfuafibn  I  have  refolved  on  the  manner  of  execut- 
ing the  duty  before  me."    There  was  attliis  time  no  •< 
u  refotuliort*  cf  the  Prefident,  to  which  the  anfwer  -j 
refer  ;  and  I  never  could  have  ailented  to  that  rjhrafe, 
irorn  my  knowledge,  that  the  Prefident  had  refo.ved, (though 
the  final  formal  act"  was  yet  incomplete)  not  to  ratu 
treaty,  until  the  provi lion-order  was  arranged  to  ais 
faction. 

Next  in  date  is   the  memorial,  the   rough   draught  of 
h  was  fent  to  the  Prefident,  containing  the  foiiowing 
pafiages  : 

"  BUT  neither  his  Britannic  Majefty  nor  the  world  will  V-?  fur- 
when  they  ftiall  be  informed,  that  the  difpofnion  to  ratify  h 
pended ^  at  leaft  bv  a  recent  order,  iffued  unaer  the  royal'  aut' 
geriuinenefs,  though  nor  afcertained  by  cfncial  .:,  is  fcarc' 

where  doubted,     it  is  underitood  to  im\  os,  ot  whatever 

nation,  laden  u-ith  corn  or  other  provifions  for  1  .  ay  be 

.feized,  and  from  this  cefcripdon  not  even  n.  .  cprcu. 

Agaiaft  this  ao<ftnr.e  the  United  States  have  otter 
particularly  in  the  memorial  of  their  mirufter  pier::. 
to  the  Britifh  fecretary  of  ilate  for  foreign  arfairs,  and  in  u 


[     34     J 

the  dc-purtmrnt  of  Hate  to  the  minifter  plenipotentiary  of  Ms  Britannic 
;;    in  Philadelhia* 


;;y  in  Philadelphia*  cri  the  *  •  -  --  tt  was  not  with- 

out regret,  thar  the  r  irons  were  unfuccefsful  in  conforming  to  the  current 
:s  the  deii"»ition  of  contraband.  But  that  the  order  of  the 
1-95  \va.sth'js  repeated  upon  the  United  States  by  the  pro. 
,  v.  as  ai-  apparent  from  the  rules  of  conirruclion,  a^  an  ac- 
in  that  coniiruclion  was  remote  from  every  opinion  hitherto 
ioiined.     It  waj.  beiievtd,  and  is  (till  believed,  that  ihe  treaty  juftifies 
.-rpretation.     The  confiderations,  which  indifpofe  the  United 
•  •.i  yield  to  it,  are  too  obvious  to  require  an  enumeration  ;  and  gain, 
•ing  forcty  t<verj  daj.     To  ratify  ther,  in  the  face  cf  this  com- 
ment* would  ttamp  upon  *  --  article  a  meaning  which  the  United 
,Ul;i\'o'vV  ;  and  contribute  to  the  eftabiifhment  of  a  principle,  againft 
which  they  revolt.     Hence  objections,  which  might  have  been  overba- 
:  by  the  hope  cf  bur}irg  palt  differences,  and  of  raifing  a  barrier 
a^'inii  ircfu  injuries  array  themlelves  again  in  view;  when  the  aban- 
donment of  their,  notwithftanding*  leaves  behind  this  burthen  upon  A- 
agriculture  and  commerce."  - 


«*  Bu^  as  in  the  language  of  the  conilitutionof  theUnited  States,  the  Pre- 
fid'-nt  i^  to  w/brhe  tre-u\,no  method  is  fatisfaftory  to  him,  by  which  he 
can  or  ought  to  delegate  to  a  fubordinate  agent  the  determination  when 
the  prop-'i^d  treaty  (hall  become  the  fupreme  law  of  the  land.   v\ith  this 
i'mp'lttiiODt  he  rjir.nor  i,aiu  adopt  any  ftyle  of  ratification  which  lhall  pre- 
•sf   him    from   being  perfonally   fatisfied,  that  the  advice  and  con- 
i>\.  t'.ie  Senate,  which  are  the  ground-work  of  his  action  on  treaties, 
hftv-.  ,     To  demcnftrate,  however,  that  candour  alone 

throughout;  this  yaniadion,  there  is  annexed  to  this  memorial 


the  draught  oi  a  ratifiraticn  which  the  Preiident  contemplates  to  w/£,when- 

foever  the  occafion  ihail  require;  that  is,  when  h?  Jkall  be  fatisfied  as  to 

tk$  t,yd?r  fir  Jelling  pro-i:ijions^  and  conftituticnal  forms  ,  prcfcnt  no  objection, 

«  The  chief  obltacie,  which  is  dependent  for  its  removal  on  his  Bri- 

tannic  Majeftyj  is  the  order  above  ftated.     The  President  is  too  much  de- 

prived^cf  its  particulars,  to  declare,  what  fhall  be  his  irrevocable  deter- 

;  but  the  feniibility,  which  it  has  excited  in  his  mind,  cannot 

be  ttHayed  itftithQtft  the  mcft  uxtqu$ot>cdl  Jftputaftik)  to  reduce  to  the  cnly  con- 

,/,',  in  which  be  can  acquiejce>  the  article  cf  the  treaty"^ 

Before  the  Preiident  had   received  this  rough  draught 
a  memorial,  and  the  form  of  an  eventual  ratification, 

therein  referred  to,  he  wrote  to  me  on  the  22d  of  July, 

ihu-  : 

«  IN  my  hurry,  I  did  not  fignify  the  propriety  of  letting  thofe  gen- 
sMit  know  fully,  my  determination  with  refpedto  the  ratification  of 

in  tlje  rough  memorial-.  , 

f  The  feczetavies  and  attorney  general. 


t     35     J 

die  treaty  ;  —  and  the  train  it  was  in;  —  but  as  this  «vts  necefiary,  in  order 

ro  enable  them  to  form  their  opinions  on  the  fubject  lub;ratti-d,  I  take 

it  for  granted  that  both  we  re  communicated  to  thereby  you, 

of  courie.  —  The  firft,  that  is  the  conditional  ra 

which  --tv  have  heard  of,  n-jpt:'.:  vj  pnvifion  vefirls,  i:  nit  in  opcruticn  >  may, 

on  all  st  oocafions,  be  fpoken  of  as  my  determin:.  fs  from  a:/ 

you  have  heard,  or  met  with  fine?  1  left  th^  cir;  ,  it:  (ho  old  be  thought 

more  advifeable  to  communicate  further  \ 

pinion  refpecting  the  treat}-,  is  the  fame  now  that  it  was,  that  i^, 

yourabie  to  it,  —  but,  that  it  is  better  to  ratify  it:n  the  n>ar.M^rtiv 

have  advifed,  (and  iviih  the  rtjwuatiott  already  intniiwed  }  than  to  fuf&r 

matters  to  remain  as  they  are,  —  unfeitled.  —  Little  has  bten  faid  to 

the  fubjecl  of  this  treaty  .alr.ng  the  road  1  palled  ;  and  I  have  il-en  ; 

fince  from  whom  1  could  h  ar  much  concerning  in—  -but  fr: 

difcourfes  I  find  endeavours  are  not  wanting  to  place  it  in  ail  rhr 

points  of  view  of  which  it  is  fufceptible,  and  in  icme  which  it  vviil  not 

admit." 

The  Prefident's  letter  to  me  from  Virginia,  on  the  Ctgth 
of  July,    1795-,    forms  a   connecting    branch   or. 
fubjecl  ;  but  it"  it  were  omitted,  the  omiilion  might  be  im- 
puted to  fome  improper  motive. 

It  begins  with    announcing    his    determination  to 
turn  almoft  immediately  to  Philadelphia  ;  and   proceeds 
thus  : 

f<  I  am  excited  to  this  refolution  by  the  violent  nndextfaordlna: 
ceedings  which  have,  and  are  about  taking-  nhce,  in  th«  northern  part»  of 
efted  in  the  fouthern  ;  b?cr,a:",- 


the  union,  and  may  be  expefted 

memorial,  —  the  ratification  —  and  the  inftrucli- 

of  fuch  vaft  magnitude,  as  not  only  to  require  great  individual  d,. 

tion  ;  but  a  fclemn  conjunct   revifion.     The  i. 

you   were  to  conie  to  this  place;  nor  would  ;here  be  that  iou  re- 

formation to  be  had,  as  is  to  be  found  at,  and  continually 

feat  of  government  :  —  and  befides,  in  the  courie  of  deli; 

great  matters,  the  examination  of  official  p. 

be  found  eflential  ;  and  thefe  could  bs  reiorted  to  no  where 

The  next  paragraph  fpeaks  of  the  inconvenie  r.je  of  :i 
turn,  but  fays,  that  "  whilft  he  is  in  cilice,!. 
convenience  to  interfere  with  what  he  conceiv 

He  goes  on  thus  : 

«  I  view  the  oppcfnion,  which  the  treaty  is  recr! 
ings  in  different  parts  of  the  union  in  a  very  1 

there  is  more  weight  in  any  of  the  objeiYi  are  made  to  : 

were  fore  fee  n  atfirft  ;  —  for  there  art  none  \n/ome  of  the;- 
reprefentations  in  others  —  Nor  as  it  refpecti  myfeli  perfonali 


t  36  ] 

lhall  have  no  influence  en  1157  conduct  ;  plainly  perceiving,  and  I  am  ao 
preparing  my  mind  for,  the  obloquy,  which  disappointment 
and  malice  arecoiie&ing  to  heap  upon  ray  character.  But  I  am  alarm- 
ed on  account  of  the  effect  it  may  have  on,  and  the  advantage  the  French 
-rmaent  may  bj  difpofed  to  make  of,  the  fpirit  which  is  at  work  ;  to 
cheriftt  a  belief  in  them,  that  the  treaty  is  calculated  to  favour  Great  Bri- 
ta'n  at  their  expence.  Whether  they  believe  or  diibelieve  thefe  tales,  the 
eSect  it  will  have  upon  the  nation  will  be  nearly  the  fame  :  for  whilft 
they  are  at  war  with  that  power,  or  fo  long  as  the  animofity  between  the 
tvr  ona lions  ex ift,  it  will,  no  matter  at  whofe  expence,  be  their  policy, 
and  it  is  feared,  it  will  be  their  conduit*  to  prevent  us  from  being  \m 
good  terms  with  Great  Britain,  or  from  her  deriving  any  advantages  from 
oar  ccrnmsrce,  which  they  can  prevent,  however  much  we  may  be  bcne- 
fitted  thereby  ourfelvcs.  To  what  length  this  policy  and  intereft  may 
carry  theai  is  problematical  ;  but  when  they  fee  the  people  of  this  coun- 
try divided,  and  fuch  a  violent  oppofition  given  to  the  meafures  of  their 
own  government,  pret-endedly  in  their  favour,  it  may  be  extremely  embar. 

^  fay  no  more  of  it. 

"  To  fum  the  whole  up  in  a  few  words.     I  have  never,  {ince  I   have 

been  in  the  aJminiftration  of  the  government,  feen  a  crifis,  which  in  my 

;  has  been  fo  pregnant  of  interefting  events  ;  nnr  one  from  which 

more  is  t^  be  apprehended  ;   whether  viewed  on  one  fide  or    the  other. 

Frorti  New  York  there  now  is,  and  I  am  told  will  further  be,  a  counter 

current;  but  hew  formidable  it  may  appear  1  know  not; — if  the  fame 

docs  not  take  place  af  Bofton  and  other  towns,  it  will  afford  button  ilrong 

that   the  oppr.fiticn   is  in  a  manner  univerfal,  or  that  thofe  of 

fentimenls   are  fupine  or  intimidated  ;  which  would  make   the 

r:uiuc:ition  a  feri^us  bufmeis  indeed.     But  as  it  refpecls  the  French,  even 

counter- resolutions,  y --ouldj  for  the  reafons  1  have  already  given,  do  little 

met  >  '.viken,  in  a  fin  all  degree,  the  effect  thofe  of  the  other  com- 

••  -n  would  i 

:er  relates  to  the  anfwers  to  be  returned  to  the 

•re.it  ;ov. ;  i  meetings  on  the  treaty  ;  with  a  poftcript  deiiring, 

tttr^t  the  ccnfidci-.tial  officers  might  fl  prepare  their  minds  on  the  feveial 
fubj^fts  therein  mentioned  againithe  fiiould  arrive," 

j;;lv,  1795,  the  Prelident  wrote  to  rue 
tlu-  Mount  Verncn. 


o 


ON  y  evening,  I  lent  the  packet,  now  under  cover  with  this 

ktter,  to         P          -ince  in  Alexandria  ;  to  be  forwarded  next  morning  at 

Lour  (4  o'clock)  by  the  Baltimore  mail ;  bur  behold!  \v!u-n  my 

hack  from  the  office,  and  emptied,  I  not  onlv  got 

-ddrs^ed  to  me — among  which  yours  of  the  2/th  v,  as 

crs — but  at'  thoic  which  I  had  f-r.t  up  the  evening  before. 

.e  to  regret  this  blunder  of  the  Poumaifcr  on  account  of  the  en- 

ir  hands  without  de- 

r.  have  undergone    the  cQnf.,ier;ition,  and  acting  upon, 
i  foggcited  in  the  letter  wbici;  accoiupanied  them.  —  Un  a»- 
•^nt  1  am  ni:  lorry  for  the  return  of  the  pa.ket ;  as  1  refoivcd  there- 


[     37     J 

upon,  and  reading  force  letters  which  I  received  at  the  fame  time,  to 
await  your  acknowledgment  of  the  receipt  cf  my  letter  of  the  24th  inft. 
before  I  would  fer  out;  as  J  fhould,  thereby,  be  placed  on  a  certairty 
whether  your  journey  hither,  or  mine  to  Philadelphia,  would,  under  all 
circumftances  be  deemed  moft  eligible  ;  or  whether  the  bufmefs  could 
not  be  equally  as  well  doae  without  either,  repealing  now  what  I  did  in 
my  letter  of  the  24th  ;  that  I  do  net  require  more  than  a  day's  notice  to 
repair  to  the  feat  of  government; — and  that  if  you,  and  the  confidential 
officers  with  you,  are  not  clear  in  the  meafures  which  are  belt  to  be  pur- 
fued  on  the  fsveral  matters  mentioned  in  my  laft,  my  own  opinion  is, 
and  for  the  reafons  there  given,  that  difficult  and  intricate,  or  delicate 
queftions,  had  better  be  fettled  there,  where  the  ftreams  of  information 
are  continually  pouring  in,  than  at  any  other  place  ;  and  that  1  would  fet 
out  accordingly. 

To  be  wife  and  temperate,  as  well  as  firm,  the  crifis  moft  eminently 
calls  for;  for  theie  is  too  much  reafon  to  believe,  from  the  pains  .vhich 
have  be£n  taken  before — at — and  fince  the  advice  of  the  Sena'e  refpecl- 
in -f  the  treaty,  that  the  prejudices  againit  it  are  more  extenfive  than  is  ge- 
nerally imagined. — This,  from  men  who  are  of  no  pany,  but  weildifpa- 

fed  to  the  government,  I  have  lately  learnt  is  the  cafe. How  ftould 

it  be  otherwife  ?  when  no  itone  has  been,  left  unturned  that  cou!d  impiefs 
the  people's  minds  with  the  moft  errant  fuiiehoods — that  their  rights  have 
not  only  been  negleftcd,  but  abfolutely  Jold ; — that  there  are  no  reci- 
procal advantages  in  the  treaty  ; — that  the  benefits  are  all  on  the  fide  of 
Great  Britain  ; — and,  what  feems  to  have  more  weight  than  all  the  reft, 
and  is  accordingly  prefled,  is,  that  this  treaty  is  made  with  a  defign  to  op- 
prefs  the  French,  in  open  violation  of  our  treaty  with  that  nation,  and 
c  jnrrary,  too,  to  every  principle  of  gratitude  and  found  policy, — 

In  time,  when  painon  fhull  have  yielded  to  fober  reafor,  the  current 
may  pofiibly  turn  ;  but  in  the  meanwhile,  this  government,  in  relation  to 
France  and  ^nglaiui,  may  be  compared  to  a  iliip  between  the  rocks  of 
Sylla  and  Charibdis. — If  the  treaty  is  ratified,  thepartifans  of  the  French 
f  of  war  and  confafion)  will  excite  them  to  hoftile  meafures;  or 
a:  ler.'ll  to  unfriendly  fentimeuts — if  it  is  not,  there  is  no  foreseeing  all  the 

;jcnces  which  may  follow,  as  it  refpec~ts  Great  Britain. 

It  is  not  to  be  inferred  from  hencex  that  I  am,  or  fhail  be  difpofed  to 

q'tlt  the  ground  I. have  taken;  unlefs  circumftances  more  imperious  than 

yet  co'ne  to  my  knowledge,  ihould  compel  it ;  for  there  is  but  one 

•fe  things,  and  that  is  to  leek  truth  and  purfue  it  ftea- 

,:ionthem  is  to  (hew,  that  a  dole  inveitigation  of 

:'-.  j  fjbiect  is  more  than  ever  neceflary  ;  and  that  they  are  ftrong  evidences 

o:~  t:.  f;  eCft  condud  in  carrying  the  determi- 

to  effect  with  prudence,  as  ir  refpects  our  own 

country  ;  .mi  with  every  exertion  tc  produce  a  change  for  the  better  from 
G.  Rr, 

'I'he  memorhl   feenis  well  deigned  to  anfwer  the  end  propofed  ;  and 

1C  ti;r.c  ir  is  re\h>d   a:-d  nev/  dreiTed,  you  will  probably  (either  in 

;  or  .viii  b  :o  me--or  in  the  ne-.vs  paper 


t  38  ] 

or  both.— But  how  much  longer  the  prefentation  of  the  memorial  can  be 
delayed  without  exciting  unpieafant  fenfations  here,  or  involving  ferious 
evils  clfenufrere)  you,  who  are  at  the  fcene  of  information  and  a6tion»  can 
decide  better  than  I.  —In  a  matter,  however,  fo  interefting  and  pregnant 
of  confequences,  there  ought  to  be  no  precipitation :  but  on  the  contra- 
ry, every  ftep  mould  be  explored  before  it  is  taken,  and  every  word 
weighed  before  it  is  uttered,  or  delivered  in  writing. 

The  form  of  the  ratification  requires  more  diplomatic  experience-,  and 
legal  knowledge  than  I  poflefs,  or  have  the  means  of  acquiring  at  this 
place,  and  therefore  I  (hall  fay  nothing  on  this  head. 

The  identical  memorial,  which  the  Prefident  faysfeems 
well  defigned  to  anfwer  the  end  propcfed,  and  from  which 
the  foregoing  extract  was  made,  and  che  very  form  of  a 
ratification,  to  which  he  refers,  are  now  in  my  poifef- 
fion. 

The  reafon  why  the  Prefident  thought  it  probable,  that 
I  might  be  on  my  way  to  Mount  Vernon  was,  that  I  had 
intimated  it  to  him.  Mefirs.  Wolcott,  Pickering,  and 
Bradford  had  ur.ged  me  to  go  thither,  in  order  to  clofe  the 
.  bufinefs,  and  put  an  end  to  every  expectation  abroad,  that 
the  Prefident's  purpofe  could  now  be  changed.  I  had  ac- 
tually engaged  a  carriage  for  the  purpofe  ;  but  was  pre- 
vented by  a  great  influx  of  bufinefs  from  the  Prefident 
and  other  quarters. 

Before  the  memorial  returned  to  Philadelphia,  Mr.  Wol- 
cott faid  fornething  to  rne  about  delay  in  concluding  the 
bufinefs ;  obferving,  that  it  would  give  the  French  go- 
vernment an  opportunity  of  profe fling  to  make  very  ex- 
tenfive  overtures  to  the  United  States,  and  thus  embarrafs 
the  treaty  with  Great  Britain.  When  I  read  the  memori- 
al to  Col.  Pickering  in  his  office,  he  faid,  "  This,  as  the 
failors  fay,  is  throwing  the  whole  up  in  the  wind."  The 
memorial  after  it  was  rendered  more  correct  in  language, 
retained  the  former  determination  again!}  ratifying,  except 
in  the  mode  now  expreffed,  if  the  provifion  order  was  a- 
bolifhed.  Although  it  exprefsly  declares,  that  it  is  only  a 
more  particular  difclofure  of  my  converfation  on  the  1 3th 
inftant,  yet  no  obfervation  was  ever  made  in  my  piefence 
or  to  my  belief,  by  the  Prefident,  that  I  had  exceeded  his 
intention.  I  fpoke  of  his  determination  on  the  12th  of 
Auguft  1795,  when  we  were  in  confultation  on  the  treaty, 


[     39     ] 

and  no  objection  was  even  hinted  at.  I  alfo  (hewed  to  the 
Prefident,  on  the  morning  of  the  I3th  of  Auguft,  1795, 
the  letters  which  had  been  written  to  Mr.  Monroe,  and  to 
the  other  Minillers,  as  follow.  To  Col.  Monroe,  July  14, 
1795- 

"  The  treaty  is  not  yet  ratified  by  the  Prefiuent ;  nor  v.Ul  it  be  rati< 
fied,  I  believe,  until  it  returns  from  England;  if  then.  But  1  do  not 
mean  this  for  a  public  communication  or  for  any  public  body  or  men.  I 
am  engaged  in  a  work,  which,  when  fmimed,  and  approved  by  the  Pre- 
fident, will  enable  me  to  fpeak  precifely  to  you.  The  late  Britifh  order 
for  feizing  provifions  is  a  weighty  obilacle  to  a  ratification.  I  do  not 
fuppofe,  that  fuch  an  attempt  to  ftarve  France  will  be  countenanced." 

To  all  our  foreign  miniflers,  July  21,  1795. 

"  When  I  inform  ycm  that  the  Prefident  has  not  yet  ratified  the  treaty,  his 
character  will  convince  you,  that  nothing  will  deter  him  from  doing  what 
he  thinks  right;  and  that  the  final  queftion  lies  open  from  caufes,  uncon- 
nected with  any  confide  rations  but  the  intereft  and  duties  of  the  United 
States.  He  is  at  prefent  in  Virginia,  and  will  doubtlefs  very  fcon  take 
his  conclufive  ftep.  It  I  were  permitted  to  conjecture,  what  that  would 
be;  I  ftiould  fuipeft,  that  at  any  rate  he  would  not  fign  it,  until  it  fhould 
return  from  England,  with  the  addition  of  the  fufpending  article;  and 
probably  not  even  then,  if  a  late  Britilh  order  for  the  capture  of  provifi- 
ons, going  to  France  mould  have  been  iffued  as  we  fuppofe,  and  increale 
the  objections  which  have  been  lavilhed  upon  it," 

The  purpofe  of  this  ftatement  is  to  (hew,  that  the  Pre- 
fident, (notwithftanding  he  was  at  liberty  to  ratify,  if  he 
pieafed,  even  after  the  declaration  to  Mr.  Hammond,  who 
would  readily  admit  a  recantation  to  that  effect,  and  altho' 
I  ftudioufly  kept  him  at  liberty  by  my  acls  and  writings,) 
went  to  Mount  Vernon  on  the  15th  of  July,  1795,  deter- 
mined to  adhere  to  the  ground,  which  he  had  taken  on  the 
13th,  in  my  oral  reprefentation  to  Mr.  Hammond,  and 
came  back  on  the  nth  of  Auguft,  with  the  lame  determi- 
nation, as  far  as  I  could  difcover.  For,  in  addition  to  the 
preceding  circumftances,  on  the  evening  of  the  nth  of 
Auguft,  I  obferved  to  him,  in  the  prefence  of  Meifrs. 
Pickering  and  Bradford,  that  the  fooiier  the  memorial  was 
reviled  by  the  gentlemen  jointly,  who  were  prepared 
with  their  opinions,  the  better ;  and  he  replied,  that 
he  fuppofed  every  thing  of  this  fort  had  been  fettled. 


[     4°     J 

I  told  him,  that  they  were  not,  as  Col.  Pickering  v;as 
for  an  immediate  raufication;  to  which  he  lend,  "  I  told 
Mr.  Randolph  that  I  thought  the  poftponement  of  ratifi- 
cation was  a  ruinous  Hep  ;"  or  words  tantamount. 

I  might  confirm  this,  if  necetfary,  by  a  very  influential 
letter  in  the  President's  hands,  dated  the  loth  or  14th  of 
July,  approved  by  him,  and  differing  from  my  opinion, 
on  the  definitive  ftep  only  in  this  refpecl ;  that  the  wri- 
ter would  have  fufpended  the  treaty,  not  by  refuting  to  ra- 
tify, but  by  refufing  to  exchange  ratifications,  until  an  at- 
tempt was  made  to  aboliih  the  provifion  order ;  and,  if  it 
mifcarried  afterwards,  until  our  minifter  fhould  receive 
further  inftrudtions. 

That  a  change  in  the  purpofe  of  the  Prelident  had  taken 
place,  will  alfo  appear  by  the  change  of  expreffion  between 
the  memorial,  which  the  Prefident  approved  at  Mount 
Vernon,  and  that  delivered  finally  to  Mr.  Hammond.  In 
the  former,  the  Secretary  of  State  propofes  to  communi- 
cate to  the  Britifh  minifter  more  formally,  more  precifely, 
and  more  at  large,  the  Juggeflious  made  in  the  converfa- 
tion  of  the  13th  of  July,  1795-  In  the  latter,  he  fays, 
that  in  conformity  with  his  aiTurance  on  the  1 3th  of  July, 
1 795, "  he  now  communicates,  by  memorial,  the  determina- 
tion, which  the  Prefident  of  the  United  States  has  thought 
proper  to  adopt."  The  draught  which  I  made  in  confe- 
quence  of  the  change  in  the  Prefident's  opinion,  proves  the 
conftancy  of  my  idea.  It  mentions  the  determination, 
which  the  Prefident  has,  upon  farther  reflection,  thought 
proper  to  adopt. 


T  R  A  N  S  L  A  T  I  O  X  cf  Mr.  Faudcfs  PoLtical  Difotcl,  No.  ic. 
LEGATION   or   r  :i T  :.  ••  c E L p H  i  /» . 

FORE  I  GX    RELATIONS. 

Fr:-jft!c    corre/~t>on(!e»ce  i.-f  tl.v  Mitr-fitr  en  I 

Pati 
No.  10. 

Philadelphia,   the   loth  Erar.i 

die  French  Republic1)  one  ?mi  inaivhibie. 
(Oftober  311!,  1794.) 

Jofepb  Fauchet,  Minlllcr  Plenipotentiary  of  the  French  Ke%M 
the  United  States, 

To  the  Ccrr.rr.itTicncr  of  Foreign  Relat! 
C I  T I  Z  E  X, 

1.  The  meafures  which  prudence  prefcribes  to  rr.r  torn!;-',  '.vir:>  - 

to  my  colleagues,  have  ftiil  prefided  in  the  ci^iHng  of  thedifpatcho* 
figned  by  them,  which  treat  ot  the  infurreftion  of  the  wef^ern  countries, 
and  of  the  repreffive  means  adopted  by  the  goverr.rrrr.r.  .  -weci 

them  to  be  confined  to  the  p'.vir.g  of  a  faithl  ?d  r-ri^J  of  events; 

the  reSetftions  therein  contained  fcarcely  exceed  the  conclufions  eaiir- 
ducible  from  the  character  aiTu^ed  by  the  public  prints.     1  have  refer 
myfelf  to  give  you  as  far  as  I   am  able  a  key  to  rl.e  fr.rts  detail. *d  in  our 
reports.     When  it  comes  in  queftion  to  explain,  either  by  conjectur  .'- 
by  certain  data,  the  fecret  views  of  .T  foreign  government?   ii  would  be 
imprudent  to  run  the  riik  of  indifcretions,  and  to  give  p  to  men, 

whofe  known  partiality  for  that  government,  and  li  ;:cr.s 

and  interefts  with  its  chiefs,  might  lead  to  confidence  -  hich 

are  incalculable.     Befides  the  precious  coafc 

throw  a  fatisfadory  light  upon  every  thing  that  comes  to  pal*.     '.!  h 
have    not   yet    communicated  to  my  colleagues.     T  ,  '••r.cy 

mentioned  lead  to  this  referve,  and  ftill  lefs  perm:t  rr.e  to  cp°n  n^^f^if  to 
them  at  the  preient   moment.     I  (hall  then  endeavour,  Ci*i7en,  to 
you  a  clue  to  all  the  meafures,  cf  which  the  i.o:r.mon  difpatcbes gire  yen 
an  account,  and  to  difcover  the  true  raufes  ot  the  cxplcli*  •  it  is 

obftinately  refoived   to    reprefs    with  great  means,  althcr.  .  e  of 

things  has  no  longer  any  thing  :Jnr.. 

2.  To  confine  the  prefent  crifis  to  the  firr/ 

to  reduce  it  lar  below  i-s  true  fcale :  it  is  indubitablv  conn^ciec  "  ith  a 
general  explofion  for  fome  time  prepared  in  the  public  mind,  but  which 
this  local  and  precipitate  eruption  vill  c::ufeto  rniic;irry,  or  at  lealt  c: 
fora  long  time  ; — in  order  to  fee  the  real  caule,  i  the 

effeft,  and  the  confequences,  we  mull  afcend  to  the  origin  of  the  parties 
exifting  in  the  (late,  and  retrace  their  progress. 

3.  The  prefent  fyilem  of  government  has  created  malcontents.     This. 


[     42     ] 

is  the  lot  of  all  new  things.  My  predeceflfors  have  given  information  in 
dstail  upon  *r^  p;irts  of  the  fyftem  which  have  particularly  awakened 
clamours  and  produced  enemies  to  the  whole  of  it.  The  primitive  divi- 
fions  o/  opinion  as  to  the  political  form  of  the  ftate,  and  the  limits  of 
the  iovereignty  of  the  whole  over  each  ftate  individually  fovereign,  had 
created  the  federalists  and  the  antifederalifts.  From  a  whimiical  contraft 
between  the  name  and  the  real  opinion  of  the  parties,  a  contrait  hitherto 
littte  underftood  in  Europe,  the  former  aimed,  and  ftill  aim,  with  all  their 
power,  to  annihilate  federalifm,  whilft  the  latter  have  always  wim- 
cd  to  preferve  it.  This  contraft  was  created  by  the  Confolidators 
or  the  Conftitudonalifts*,  who,  being  firft  in  giving  the  deno- 
nominations  (a  matter  fo  important  in  a  revolution)  took  for  themfelves 
that  which  was  the  moft  popular,  although  in  reality  it  contradicted  their 
ideas,  and  gave  to  their  rivals  one  which  would  draw  on  them  the  atten- 
tion of  the  people,  notwithftanding  they  really  wimed  to  preferve  a  fyf- 
tem whofe  prejudices  fhoald  cherim  at  leaft  the  memory  and  the  name. 

4.  Moreover  thefe  firft  divisions,  of  the  nature  ot  thofe  to  bedeftroyed 
by  time,  in  proportion  as  the  nation  ftiould  have  advanced  in  the  experi- 
ment of  a  form  of  government:  which  rendered  it  flourishing,  might  now 
have  completely  difappeared,  if  the  fyftem  of  finances  which  had  its  birth 
in  the  cradle  of  the  conftitution,  had  not  renewed  their  vigour  under  va- 
rious forms.     The  mode  of  organizing   the  rational  credit,  the  confoli- 
Oating  and  funding  of  the  public  debt,  the  introduction  in  the  political 
economy  of  the  ufage  of  ftates,  which  prolong  their  exiftence  or  ward  off 
their  fall  only  by  expedients,  imperceptibly    created  a  financiering  clafs 
who  threaten  to  become  the  ariftocratical  order  of  the  ftate.     Several  ci- 
tizens, and   among  others  thofe  who    had  aided  in  eftablim'irrg  indepen- 
dence with  their  purfes  or  their  arms,  conceived  themfelves  aggrieved  by 
thole  fifcal  engagements.     Hence  an  oppofition  which  declares  itfelf  be- 
tween the  farming  or  agricultural  intereft,  and  that  of  the  fifcal  ;  federal- 
ifra  and  antifederaiifm,  which  are  founded  on  thofe  new  denominations, 
in  proportion  as  the  treafurv  ufurps  a  preponderance  in  the  government 
and  legiftation  :   Hence  in  fine,  the  ftate,  divided  into  partifans  and  ene- 
mies of   the  treafurer  and  of  his  theories.     In  this  new  clafification  of 
parties,  the  nature  of  things  gave  popularity  to  the  latter,  an  innate  in- 
iUnft,  if  I  may  uie  the  expreiTion,  caufrd  the  ears  of  the  people  to  revolt 
ac  the  names  alone  of  trenfurer  zn&Jtockjobber :  but  the  oppofite  party,  in 
confequence  of  its  ability,  obftinately  perfifted  in  leaving  to  its  adverfa- 
ries  the  fufpicious  name  of   ami  fcderalifty  whilft  in   reality  they  were 
friends  of  the  conftitution,  and  enemies  only  of  the  excrefcences  which 
financeiring  theories  threatened  to  attach  to  it. 

5,  Ii  is  ufelefs  to  ftop  longer  to  prove  that  the  monarchical  fyftem  was 
interwoven  with  thofe  novelties  of  finances,  and  that  the  friends  of  the 
latter  favoured  the  attempts  which  were  made  in  order  to  bring  the  con- 
ftitution  to  the  former  by  infenfible  gradations.     The  writings  of  influ- 
ential men  of  this  party  prove  it ;  their  real  opinions  too  avow  it,  and 
the  journals  of  the  fenate  are  the  depofuory  of  the  firft  attempts. 

6.  Let  us,  therefore,  free  ourfelves  from  the  intermediate  fpr.ces  in 
which  the  progrefs  of  the  fyftem  is  marked,  fince  they  can  add  nothing  to 
the  proof  of  its  exiftence — Let  us  pafs  by  its  fympathy  with  our  regene- 


[     43     ] 

rating  movements,  while  running  in  monarchical  paths — Let  us  arrive  at 
the  iituation  in  which  our  Republican  revolution  has  pkced  things  and 
pa  rties. 

7.  The  antifederaiifts  difembarrafs  themfelves  of  an  infignifkant  de» 
nomination,  and  take  that  of  patriots  and  of  republicans.     Their  adver- 
faries  become  arijiocrats,   notwithftanding  their  efforts  to  preferve  the 
advantageous  illufion  of  ancient  names ;  opinions  clafh,  and  prefs  each 
other;  the  ariftocratic  attempts  which  formerly  had  appeared  fo  infig- 
nincant,  are   recollected:  The  treafurer,  who  is  looked  upon  as  their 
full  fource,  is  attacked ;  his  operAtions  and  plans  are  denounced  to  the 
public  opinion  ;  nay,  in  the  feflions  of  1792  and  1793*  a  folemn  inquiry 
into  his  adminiftration  was  obtained.     This  firft  victory  was  to  produce 
another,  and  it  was  hoped  that,  faulty  or  innocent,  the  Treafurer  would 
retire,  no  lefs  by  neceifity  in  the  one  cafe,  than  from  felf-love  in  the  o- 
ther.    He,  emboldened  by  the  triumph  which  he  obtained  in  the  ufelefs 
inquiry  of  his  enemies,  of  which  both  objects  proved  equally  abortive, 
foduced  beficies  by  the  momentary  reverfe  of  republicanifm  in  Europe, 
removes  the  maik  and  announces  the  approaching  triumph  of  his  princi- 
ples. 

8.  In  the  mean  time,  the  popular  focieties  are  formed  ;  political  ideas 
concenter  themfelves,  the  patriotic  party  unite  and  more  clofely  connect 
themfelves;  they  gain  a  formidable  majority  in  thelegiflature;  the  abafe-  I 
ment  of  commerce,  the  flavery  of  navigation,  and  the  audacity  of  En- 
gland, ftrengthen  it.    A  concert  of  declarations  and  cenfures  againft  the 
government  arifes;  at  which  the  latter  is  even  itfelf  aftonimed. 

9.  Such  was  the  fituation  of  things  towards  the  clofe  of  the  laft  and  at 
the  beginning  of  the  prefent  year.  Let  us  pafs  qyer  the  difcontents  which 
were  moft  generally  expreffed  in  thefe  critical  moments.     They  have 
been  fent  to  you  at  different  periods,  and  in  detail.     In  every  quarter 
are  arraigned  the  imbecility  of  the  government  towards  Great  Britain, 
the  defenceless  ftateof  the  country  againft  poflible  invafions,  thecoldnefs 
towards  the  French  Republic  :  the  fyftem  of  finance  is  attacked,  which 
threatens  eternifing  the  debt  under  pretext  of  making  it  the  guaranty  of 
public  happinofs;  the  complication  of  that  fyftem  which  withholds  from 
general  infpedtion  all  its  operations, — the  alarming  power  of  the  infiue 

it  procures  to  a  man  whofe  principles  are  regarded  as  dangerous,—  , 
preponderance  which  that  man  acquires  from  day  to  day  in  public  mea- 
fures,  and  in  a  word  the  immoral  and  impolitic  modes  of  taxation,  which  J 
he  at  firft  prefents  as  expedients,  and  afterwards  raifes  to  permanency. 

10.  In  touching  this  laft  point  we  attain  the  principal  complaint  of  the 
western  people,  and  the  oftenfible  motive  of  their  movements.     Repub- 
licans by  principle,  independent  'by  character  and  fituation,  they  could 
not  but  accede  with  enthufiafm  to  the  criminations  which  we  have  fketch- 
ed.  But  the  excife  above  all  affects  them.  Their  lands  are  fertile,  watered 
with  the  fmeft  rivers  in  the  world  :  but  the  abundant  fruits  of  their  la- 
bour run  the  rifk  of  perimingfor  the  want  of  means  of  exchanging  them, 
as  thofe  more  happy  cultivators  do  for  objects  which  defire  indicate}  to  all 
men  who  have  known  only  the  enjoyments  which  Europe  procures  them. 
'I  hey  therefore  convert  the  excels  of  their  produce  into  liquors  imper- 
fectly fabricated,  which  badly  fupply  the  place  of  thofe  they  might  pro- 
care  by  exchange.     The  exdft  is  created  and  ftrikes  at  this  confcling 


r   44   J 

transformation;  their  complaints  are  anfwcred  by  the  cnly  pretext  that 
they  are  other-wife  inacceiiible  to  every  inecies  of  impoil.  Eut  why,  in 
contempt  of  treaties,  are  they  left  to  bear  the  yoke  of  the  feeble  Spa- 
niard, as  to  the  Miffiffibp$,fbr  upwards  of  twelve  years?  Since  when  has 
an  agricultural  people  fu  bin  it  ted  to  the  unjuft  capricious  law  of  a  people 
exploreis  oi  the  precious  metals?  Might  we  net  fuppofe  that  Madrid  and 
Philadelphia  mutually  afSfted  in  prolonging  the  flavery  of  the  river  ;  that 
the  proprietors  o;  a  barren  ccalt  are  afraid  left  the  Miffiffippi,  once  open* 
ed,  and  its  numerous  brandies  brought  into  activity,  their  fields  might 
become  deferts,  and  in  a  word  that  commerce  dreads  having  rivals  in 
thofe  interior  parts  as  foon  as  their  inhabitants  fhall  ceafe  to  be  fubjeds  ? 
Thislait  fuppoiition  is  but  too  well  founded;  an  influential  member  of  the 
Senate, Mr.I  zurd,  one  day  in  converfation  undifguifedly  announed  it  to  me. 
n.  I  fhall  be  more  brief  in  my  obfervations  on  the  murmurs  excited  by 
the  fyilein  for  the  iale  of  lands.  It  is  conceived  to  be  unjyft  that  thefe  vail 
and  feniie  regions  iliouid  be  fold  by  provinces  to  capitalifts,  who  thus  en- 
rich theinfelvesi  and  retail  with  imnienfe  profits,  to  thehuibandmen,  pof- 
feffions  which  they  have  never  feen.  If  there  were  not  a  latent  deiiga 
to  arreit  the  rapid  fcttiement  of  thofe  lands  and  to  prolong  their  infant 
itate,  why  not  open  in  the  well  land  cfHces,  where  every  body  without 
diftindion,  fliould  be  admitted  to  purchafe  by  a  fmall  or  large  quantity  ? 
Why  ref  rve  to  fell  cr  diitribute  to  favourites,  to  a  clan  of  flatterer?, 
of  courtit-rs,  that  which  belongs  to  the  ftate,  and  which  Ihould  be  fold  to 
the  greateit  poJible  profit  of  all  its  members  ? 

12.  Such  therefore  were  the  parts  of  the  public  grievance,  upon  which 
the  vveltern   people  moil  indited.     Now,  as  the  common  difpatches  in- 
form you,  thefe  complaints  were  f) ilematizing  by  the  converfaticns  of 
influential   men  who  retired  into  thofa  wild  countries,  and  who  from 
principle,  or  by  a  feries  of  particular  heart-burning!;,  animated  difcon- 
tents  alreatiy  too  near  to  eiieivefcence.     At   laft  the  local  explofion  is 
effected.  The  wellern  people  calculated  on  being  fupported  by  fome  dif- 
tinguiilied  characters  in  the  eair,  and  even  imagined  they  had  in  thebofoni 
of  the  govern  me  nt  i'cir.e  abciLoi.,  who  might  ill  a  re  in  their  grievances  or 
iheir  principles.. 

13.  From  what  1   have  detailed  above,  thofe  men  might  indeed  be 
fuppofed  iiuiiR  r«  i'^.     rl  he  felaons   of  1*793  and  1794  had  given  impor- 
tance to  the  ,-cpublican  parry j  and  fclidiry  to  its  ucxafarions.     The  pro- 
;  - .iitions  of  Aii.  ,  or  hi*  prc;jii.t  of  a  navigation  aft,  ct  ui 
Mr.  Jeiferfo:i  was  originally  tLe  uULlun,  fapped  the,  Britiih  intereit,  now 
an  integral  part  of  tl  icring  i\ile»n.     Mr.  Taylor,  a  republics:! 
member  of  I'.c  Sv  ^.uc,  puhliihed,  towards  the  end  cf  the  feffion,  tlirt.; 
parnphle'SV  i-»  which  this  Lli  is  explored  to  i^s  origin,  and  fieVeloped  in 
us  progrfiba -lA  confequences  with  force  and  method,  in  the  lalt  ]K  .(,,v-;:s 
that  the  dcoqud  i»ate  of  attUirs  refultli>2'   ^o»»«  th.it  {yilem,  could  r,c.: 
but  prefaof,  juder  a  iifirrg   g.    i  ;,  cither  a  revolution  cr  a  citii 
war. 

14.  The   firit  was  r:                  the  government,  which  had  forefee'i  ir, 
repr^dLicedj  u..der  various  fi>ttn<, th« dcnaaildo'f  ;idifuof.tbic*  f  >=, 
«iight  pat  ic  ^n  a  icK/c-^Uibl^  iL.io  ol  cc.^ :f?at^d  hi  this  rneaiu  -, 

*  D;<  r 


f    45     ] 

who  can  aver  that  it  may  not  have  haftened  the  local  eruption,  in  order 
to  make  an  advantageous  diverfion,  and  to  lay  the  more  general  ft r-rm 
which  it  Taw  gathering  ?  Am  I  not  authorised  in  forming  this  conjecture 
from  the  conversation  which  the  Secretary  of  State  had  with  me  and  Le 
Blanc,  alone,  an  account  of  which  you  have  in  my  difpatch,  No.  3  ?  Bat 
how  may  we  exped  that  this  new  plan  will  be  executed  r  By  exafperating 
and  fevere  meafurt-s,  aathorifcd  by  a  law  which  was  not  folirited  till  the 
clufe  of  the  feifion.  This  law  gave  to  the  one  already  exifting  for  collec- 
ting the  f.xdje  a  coercive  force  which  hitherto  it  had  not  poflefled,  and  a 
demand  of  which  was  not  before  ventured  to  be  madei.  By  means  of  this 
new  law  all  the  refractory  citizens  to  the  old  one,  were  caufed  to  be 
purfued  with  a  fuckim  rigor;  a  great  number  of  writs  were  ifiued;  doubt- 
lefs  the  natural  confequencea  from  a  conduit  fo  deciftve  and  foharfh.  were 
expected;  and  before  :hef«:  wre  maniiefted  the  means  of  repreffion  had 
been  prepared;  this  was  undoubtedly  what  Mr.  Randolph  meant  in  telling 
me  that  under  pretext  of  giving  energy  to  the  gwtrnment  it  was  intended 
to  introduce  abfolute  power  and  to  mi/lead  the  Prefident  in  paths  'which  would 
conduct  him  to  unpopularity. 

15.  Whether  the  cxplofion  has  been  provoked  by  the  government;  or 
owes  its  birth  to  accident,  it  is  certain  that  a  commotion  of  fome  hun- 
dreds of  men,  who  have  not  iince  been  found  in  arms,  and  the  very  pa- 
cific union  of  the  counties  ir.  firaddock's  field,  a  union  which  has  not  been 
revived,  were  not  fymproms  which  could  jultify  the  raifing  of  fo  great 
a  force  as  i  5,000  men.  Betides  the  principles,  uttered  in  the  declarations 
hitherto  made  public,  rather  announced  ardent  minds  to  be  calmed  than 
anarrhifts  to  be  fubdued.  But  in  order  to  obtain  fomething  on  the  public 
opinion  prepofTciTed  againft  the  demands  contemplated  to  be  made,  it  was 
neceffaryto  magnify  the  dagger,  to  disfigure  the  views  of  thole  people* 
to  attribute  to  them  the  deiign  of  uniting  themfelves  with  England,  to 
alarm  the  citizens  for  the  fare  of  the  conftitution,  whilit  in  reality  the 
revolution  threatened  only  the  ministers.  This  Hep  fucceeded  ;  an  army 
is  railed  ;  this  military  part  of  the  fuppreffion  is  doubtlefs  Mr.  Hamil- 
ton's, the  pacific  part  and  the  fending  of  commiffioners  are  due  to  the  in- 
fluence of  Mr.  Randolph  cverthe  mind  of  the  Prefident,  whom  I  delight 
always  to  believe,  and  whom  I  do  believe,  truly  virtuous,  and  the  friend 
or  his  fellow  citizens  and  principles. 

1 6.  In  the  mean  time,  although  there  was  a  certainty  of  having  an  army, 
yet  it  was  neceflary  toaffure  themfelves  of  co-operators  among  the  men 
whofe  patriotic  reputation  might  influence  their  party,  and  whofe  luke- 
warmnefsor  want  of  energy  in  the  exiiting  conjunctures  might  eompro- 
mit  the  frccefs  of  the  plans.  Of  all  the  governors  whofe  duty  it  was  to 
appear  at  the  head  of  the  reqtiifitions,  the  governor  of  Pennfylvania  alone 
enjoyed  the  name  of  Republican  :  his  opinion  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treafury  and  cf  his  fy items  was  known  to  be  unfavourable.  The  Secre- 
tary of  this  ftate  poffeiTed  great  influence  in  the  Popular  Society  of  Phi* 
ladelphia,  which  in  its  turn  influenced  thofe  of  other  itates;  of  courfe  he 
merited  attention.  It  appears  therefore  that  thefe  men  with  others  un- 

f  This  law  was  mentioned  in  the  comment  upon  the  laws  of  the  laft  feffion  inclofed 
in  No.  9.  of  the  cerrefpondence  of  the  minifter. 

G 


known  to  me,  all  having  without  doubt  Randolph  at  iheir  head,  were 
balancing  to  decide  on  their  party.  Two  or  three  days  before  the  pro- 
clamation  was  publiftied,  and  of  ccurfe  before  the  cabinet  had  reiolved 
on  its  meafures,  Mr.  Randolph  came  to  fee  me  with  an  air  of  great 
eagefnefs,  and  made  to  me  the  overtures  of  which  I  have  given  you  an 
account  in  my  No.  6.  Thus  with  Tome  tho'u  lands  of  dollars  the  Repub- 
lic could  have  decided  on  civil  war  or  on  peace!  Thus  the  conferences 
of  the  pretended  patriots  of  America  have  already  their  prices*  ?  It  is 
very  true  that  the  certainty  of  thefe  conclufions,  painful  to  be  drawn, 
will  forever  exift  in  our  archives!  What  will  be  the  old  age  of  this  go- 
vernment, if  it  is  thus  early  decrepid!  Such,  citizen,  is  the  evident  con- 
fequence  of  the  fyftcm  of  finances  conceived  by  Mr.  Hamilton.  He  has 
made  ot  a  whole  nation  a  ftockjobbing,  fpecuiating,  felfifn  people.  Riches 
alone  here  fix  conlideration  ;  and  as  no  one  likes  to  be  defpiled,  they  are 
univerfally  fought  after.  Neverthelefs  this  depravity  has  not  yet  embra- 
ced trie  mafs  of  the  people;  the  effe<fts  of  this  pernicious  fyftein  have  as 
yet  but  {lightly  touched  them.  Still  there  are  patriots,  of  whom  I  de- 
light to  entertain  an  idea  worthy  of  that  impofing  title.  Confult  Mon- 
roe, he  is  of  this  number ;  he  had  apprifed  me  of  the  men  whom  the 
current  of  events  had  dragged  along  as  bodies  devoid  of  weight.  His 
friend  Madifon  is  alfo  an  honell  man.  Jeirerfon,  on  whom  the  patriots 
caft  their  eyes  to  fucceed  the  Prefident,  had  forefeen  thefe  crifes.  He 
prudently  retired  in  order  to  avoid  making  a  figure  a^ainft  his  inclination 
in  fcenes,  the  fecret  of  which  will  foon  or  late  be  brought  to  light. 

1 7.  As  foon  as  it  was  decided  that  the  t  rer.ch  Republic  puichaJed  no  men 
to  do  their  duty,  there  were  to  be  feen  individuals,  about  whofe  conduct 
the  government  could  at  leait  form  uneafy  conjectures,  giving  themfelves 
up  with  a  fcandaious  oftentation  to  its  vier,vs,   nnd    even  feccnding  its 
declarations.     The  Popular   Societies  foon  emitted   refoiutions  ftamped 
with  the  fame  fpirit,  and  who  although  they  may  have  been  advifed  by 
love  of  order,  might  neverthelefs  have  omitted  or  uttered   them  with 
kfs  folemnity.     Then  were   feen  coming  from  the  very  men  whom  we 
had  been  accuftomed  to  regatd  as  having  little   friendfhip  for  the   fyftem 
of  the  treafurer,  harrangues  without  eruA,  in  order  to  give  a  new  direc- 
tion to  the  public  mind.     The    militia,   however,    manifefl  fome  reuug. 
nance,  particularly  in  Pcnnfylvania,  for  the  fervice  to  which  they  were 
called.     Several  officers  refign  ;  at  laft  by  excurlicns  or  harrangues,   in- 
complete requiiitions  are   obtained,  and  feat te red  volunteer  corps  from 
different  parts  make  up  the  deficiency.     How    much   more  interefting, 
than  the  changeable  men  whom  1  have  painted  above,  were  thofe  plain 
citizens  whoanfwered  the  felicitations  which  were  made  to  them  to  join  the 
volunteers — tf  It  we  are  required  we  will  march;  bccaufe  we  do  notwifh 
not  to  have  a  government,  but  to  arm  ourfelves  as  volunteers  would  be 
in  appearance  fubfcribing  implicitly  to  the  exciie  fyftem  which  we  re- 
probate." 

1 8.  What  I  have,  faid  above,  authorifes  then  our  retting  on  the  opini- 
on become  inconteltible,  that  in  the  crifis  which  has  burft,  and  in  the 
means  employed  for  reiloring  order,  the  true  quefiion  was  the  deitruc- 
tion  or  the  triumph  of  the  treafV.rer's  plans.     This  being  once  eftabliftt- 
ed,  let  us  pafs  over  the  facts  related  in  the  common  difpatches,  and  fee 
how  the  government  or  the  Treafurer  will  take  from  the  very  ftroke  which 

*  Tanf. 


[     47     3 

threatened  hisfyftem  the  fafe  opportunity  of  humbling  the  ad verfe  party, 
and  of  fiiencing  their  enemies  whether  open  or  concealed.  The  army 
inarched;  the  Prefident  made  known  that  he  was  going  to  command  it ; 
he  fat  out  for  Carliflc  :  Hamilton,  as  I  have  underitood,  requeued  to  fol- 
low him  ;  the  Prefident  dared  not  to  refufe  him.  It  does  not  require 
much  penetration  to  divine  the  objeft  of  this  journey  :  In  the  Prefident 
it  was  wife,  it  might  alfo  be  his  duty.  But  in  Mr.  Hamilton  it  was  a 
confequence  of  the  profound  policy  which  di reds  all  his  fteps;  a  mea- 
fare  dictated  by  a  perfecl  knowledge  of  the  human  heart.  Was  it  not  inter- 
effing  for  him,  for  his  party,  tottering  under  the  weight  of  events  without 
and  accufatiuns  within,  to  proclaim  aa  intimacy  more  perfect  than  ever 
with  the  Prefident,  vvhofe  very  name  is  a  fuificient  fnield  againft  the  moil 
formidable  attacks  ?  Now  what  more  evident  mark  could  the  Prefident 
give  of  his  intimacy  than  by  fufreiing  Mr.  Hamilton  vvhofe  name  even, 
i;<  und<;rftood  in  the  wefl  as  that  of  a  public  enemy,  to  go  and  place  him- 
felf  at  the  head  of  the  army  which  went,  if  I  may  ufe  the  expreilion, 
to  caufe  his  fyflcm  to  triumph  againil  the  opposition  of  the  people  ? 
The  prefeuce  of  Mr.  Hamilton  with  the  army  muft  attach  it  more  than 
ever  to  his  parry;  -,ve  fee  what  ideas  thefe  circumftances.  give  birth  to* 
on  both  {ides,  all  however  to  the  advantage  of  the  Secretary. 

19.  Three  weeks  had  they  encamped  in  the  weft  without  aiingle  arm- 
ed man  appearing.  However  the  Prefident,  or  thofe  who  wiftied  to  make 
the  mofi:  of  this  new  manoeuvre,  made  it  public  that  he  was  going  to 
command  in  perfon.     The  feffion  of  CoKgrefs  being  vfiy  near,  it  was 
wilhed  to  try  whether  there  could  no:  be  obtained  from  the  prefles,which 
were  fuppofed  to  have  changed,  a  fiience,  whence  to  conclude  the  poffi- 
bility  of  infringing  the  confutation  in  its  moil   cHential  part;  in   that 
which  fixes  the  relation  of  the  Prefiden:  with  the  legiliature.     But  the 
patriotic  papers  laid  hold  of  this  artful  attempt  :  I   ara  certain  that  the 
office  of  the  fccretary  of  ft  ate  which  alone  remained  at  Philadelphia  (for 
while  the  minuter  of  finance  was  with  the  army,  the  minifrer  oi ;  war  was 
on  a  tour  to  the  Province  of  Maine,  400  miles  from  Philadelphia)  main- 
tained  the  controverfy  in  favour  of  the  opinion  which  it  was  defired  to  e- 
flablilli.     A  companion  between  the  President  and  the  English  monarch 
was   introduced,  who  far  removed  from  Wettminfter,  yet  ilriftiy  fulfils 
his  duty  of  lanclioning ;  it  was  much  infiftedon  that  the  conttitution  de- 
clares that  the  Prefident  commands  the  armed  force  :  this  fimiiitude  was 
treated  with  contempt ;  the  confequence  of  the  power  of  commanding  in 
perfon,  drawn  from  the  right  to  command  in  chiet  (or  direct)  the  force 
of  the  flate,  was  ridiculed  and  reduced    to   an  abfnrdity,  by  fuppofing  a 
fleet  at  fea  and  aai  army  on  land.     The  reiult  of  this  controveriy  was, 
that  forne  days  after  it  war.  announced  that  the  Preiident  v.oald  come  to 
open  the  approaching  fefhrn. 

20.  During  his  Itay  at  Bedford,  the  Prefident  douhtlf  is  concerted  ther 
plan  of  ths  campaign  with  Mr.  Lee,  to  whom  he   lek  the  command  in 
chief.     The  letter  by  which  he  delegates  the  command  to  him,  is  that  of 
a  virtuous  man,  at  lead  as  to  the  major  part   of  the   fcntimonrs  which  it 
contains;  he  afterwards  let  out  for  Philadelphia, where  he  has  juft  arriv- 
ed, and  Mr.  Hamilton  remains  vith  the  arnv. 

21.  This  hil  circumftance  unveils  all  the  plan  of  the  Secretary;  he 
prelides  over  the  military  operations  in  order  to  acquire  in  the  fight  of  his 


[     48     3 

enemies  a  formidable  and  impofsng  confide  ration.  He  and  Mr.  Lee  the 
commander  in  chief,  agree  perfectly  in  principles.  The  governors  of 
Jerfey  and  Maryland  harmonize  entirely  with  them  ;  r!-e  governor  of 
Pennfylvania,  cf  whcm  it  never  woulu  have  Ix-en  fo^efted,  lived  inti- 
mately and  pubiiely  with  Hamilton.  Such  a  union  of  per  ions  would  be 
matter  fufficient  to  produce  rei:(ta:ice  in  the  weitern  counties,  even  ad- 
mitting they  had  not  thought  of  making  any. 

22.  The  foldiers  themfclvet,    are  aftcniihed  at  the   fcandalous  gaiety, 
with  which  thofe  who  poiiels  the  iVcret,  proclaim  their  approaching  tri- 
umph.   It  is  afked,  of  what'ufe  are  i  5,000  men  in  this  country*  in  which 
provifions  are  fcarce,  and  where  are  to  feized  only  forae  turbulent  men 
at  their  plough.     Thofe  who  conducted  the  expedition   know   this ;  the 
matter  is  to  create  a  great  expence  ;  when  the  fttms  ihall  come  to  be  af- 

4  felTed,  no  one  will  be  willing  to  pay,  and  mould  each  pay  his  afTefTmem, 
it  will  be  done  in  curling  the  inlurgent  principles  of  the  patriots. 

23.  It  is  irnpoffible  to  make  a  more  able  m^n-.-euvre  for  the  opening  of 
Congrefs.     The  paflions,  the  generous  indignation,    which    had  agitated 
their  minds  in  the  laft  fellion,  were  about  being  renewed  wirh  Hill   more 
vigor;  there  was  nothing  to  announce  of  brilliant  fueeefles  which  they 
had  promifed.     Thehoitilitiescf  Great  Biiiain  on  the  continent  fo  long 
difguifed,  and  now  become  evident,  a  commerce  always  bar  raffed,  ridicu- 
lous negotiations  lingering  at  London,    waiting   until   new  conjunctures 
ftiould  authorize  new  infults  :  inch  was   the   picture  they  wert  likely  to 
have  to  offer  the  reprefentatives  of  the  people.     Bur   this  crifis,  and  the 
great  movements  made  to  prevent  its  coniequences,  change  the  Hate  of 
things.     With   what  advantage  do    they  denounce  an    attrocious  attack 
upon  the  conftitution,  and  appreciate   the  activity  ufed  to  repreisit ;    the 
ariftocratical  party  will  foon  have  underftood  the  fecret  ;  all  the  misfor- 
tunes will  be  attributed  to  patriots;  the  party  of  the  latter  is  about  being 
deferted  by  all  the  weak  men,  and  this  complete  feillon  will   have  been 
gained. 

24.  Who  knows  what  will  be   the  limits  of   this  triumph  ?    Perhaps 
advantage  will  be   taken  by  it  to  obtain  fome  laws  for  itrengthening  the 
government,  and  ftiil  more  precipitating   the    propenfity,  already  vitible, 
that  it  has  towards  ariftocracy. 

25.  Such    are,  citizen,  the    ckta   which  I    poflefs    concerning  thefe 
events,  and  the  con'equen^es  I  draw  from  them  :  I  wi(h  I  may  be  deceiv- 
ed in  my  calculations,  and  the  good  difpofuion    of  the  people  ;  their  at- 
tachment  to  principles   lead    rue  to  expecl   it.     1   have    perhaps  herein 
fallen   into  the  repetition  ot    reflections  and  facts  contained  in  other  dif- 
patches,  but  I  vvimedto  prefent  together  fome  views   which  I  have  rea- 
fon  toafcriDe  to  the  ruling  put),  and  fome  able  manoeuvres  invented  to 
fupport  thenafelves.     Without  participating  in  the  paiiions  of  the  parties, 
I  obferve  them  ;  and  I  oivr.  to  my  country  an  exact  and  ftricl;  account  of 
the  fituation  of  things.     1    (hall  make  it  my  duty  to  keep  you  regulaily 
informed  of  every  change  that  may  take   place;  above  all  1  ftiall  apply 
myfelf  to  penetrate  the  <1i-poiirion  of  the  legiilarure  ;  that  will  not  a  little 
aftiit  in  forming  the  final  idea   which  we   ought  to  have  of  thefe  move- 
ments,  and  what  we  fhould  really  fear  or  hope  from  them. 

Health  and  fraternity. 
bigned, 

TH:     FAUCHET. 


[     49     ] 

To  the  Prt/ident  oj  the  United  States. 
S  IR, 

NEVER  until  the  iglhof  Auguft,  1795,  could  I  have 
believed,  that  in  addreffing  you,  without  the  reflramt  of 
an  official  relation,  I  mould  u  e  any  other  language,  than 
that  of  a  friend.  From  an  early  period  of  my  life,  I  was 
taught  to  etteem  you  : — as  I  advanced  in  years,  I  was  ha- 
bkuated  to  revere  you  : — you  ftrengthened  my  prepcilef- 
lions  by  marks  of  attention  ;  and  if  by  fome  others,  you 
have  been  iniidiouilv  pampered  with  more  iavifh  afluran- 
ces  of  an  ailedioniue  attachment ;  from  me  you  have  ex- 
perienced a  iincere  anxiety,  to  continue  your  reputation 
upon  its  am  lent  bails,  the  hearts  of  the  people. 

But  the  lea  ion  is  come,  Sir,  when,  if  my  obligations  to 
you  have  not  been  balanced  by  laborious  and  confidential 
iervices  ;  the  whole  account  is  fettled  without  ingratitude 
on  my  part. 

Still  however  thofe  very  obligations;  the  very  reputa- 
tion, which  you  have  acquired,  \vili  caufe  it  to  be  aiked, 
why  you  mould  be  fuipecled  of  acting  towards  me,  in  any 
other  manner,  than  deliberately,  juftly,  and  even  kindly? 
Painful  as  the  hiitory  of  facts  is,  it  muit  be  told.  Before 
you  faw  Mr.  Fauchc:'s  letter,  the  Britiih  partifans  had 
been  induilrious  in  difleminating  the  mcft  poiionous  falfe- 
hoods ;  and  while  I  was  abfent  at  Rhode  liland  they  feized 
the  advantage  of  uttering  uncontradicted  (landers  ;  boail- 
iiig,  and  infilling  that  in  a  controverfy  between  us,  Imufl 
be  facrificecl.  The  hope,  therefore,  which  remains  to  me, 
is,  that  truth  when  developed  may  face  with  fuccefs  the  in- 
fluence of  your  character.  For  I  hefitate  not  to  pro- 
nounce, that  you  prejudged  the  queftion  ;  thac  you  ought 
to  have  withilood  the  impulfe,  which  hurried  you  into  a 
prejudication  ;  and  thac  he,  who  feels  a  due  abhorrence 
of  party-manoeuvres,  will  form  a  conclusion  honorable  tp 
myieif. 

That  you  prejudged  my  cafe  is  proclaimed  by  your  ac- 
tions.— 


I  50  ] 

On  the  evening  of  the  lith  of  Auguft  1735,  Mr.  Fau- 
chet's  letter  was  prefented  to  you  by  Mr.  Wolcott.  At  all 
hours  of  the  day  I  was  ready  to  obey  your  fummons.  On 
every  day,  except  Sunday  ;  and  perhaps  twice  a  day  I  had 
a  private  interview  with  you.  Twice  I  ipoke  to  you  of 
the  warmth,  which  MeiTrs.  Wolcott  and  Pickering  had 
difcovered  on  the  l<2th,  in  the  difcuflion  of  the  treaty  in 
your  room,  and  which  undoubtedly,  as  it  now  appears 
fprang  from  a  knowledge  of  that  letter.  On  the  14th 
you  vailed  the  meditated  itroke  by  a  viiit  at  my  houfe. 
On  the  15th,  you  invited  me,  in  the  moil  cordial  way  to 
dine  with  a  party  of  chofen  friends,  and  placed  me  at 
the  foot  of  your  table.  On  the  i8th  the  fame  air  of 
hofpitaiity  was  aiTumed.  But  the  fyftem  of  concealment, 
which  had  been  praclifed  under  the  united  aufpices  of 
the  Eritifli  minifrer,  and  the  American  Secretary  of  the 
Treafury,  was  not  thought  unworthy  of  your  adoption  : 
- — Mr.  Wolcott  had  been  privy  to  the  letter  an  leaii  from 
the  28th  of  July,  and  the  Pretident  of  the  United  States 
from  the  i  l  th  of  Auguft ;  and  yet  he  had  buried  it  at  the  bot- 
tom of  his  foul,  until  the  iqth  of  Augull:,  \vhen  the  final 
cataflrophe  feerned  to  be  fecure.  Wiiv  was  ail  this  llrata- 
gern  oblerved  toward:  him,  of  whole  fidelity  you  had  ne- 
ver entertained  a  doubt?  Although  your  advifers  might 
have  pledged  thernfeives,  for  the  purfuit  of  a  particular 
plan,  to  others  ;  although  even  New  York  may  have  been 
the  birth  place  of  the  icherne  ;  old  habits  of  deference 
to  the  opinion  of  any  man  ought  to  have  been  diicarded, 
when  put  in  competition  with  jullice.  From  this  caufe, 
from  another,  which  will  be  hereafter  noticed,  or  from  a 
temper,  which  under  the  exterior  of  cool  and  How  delibe- 
ration, rapidly  catches  a  prejudice,  and  with  difficulty 
abandons  it;  you  determined,  that  your  firll  impreilions 
could  not  be  effaced  :  You  held  heqitent  coniultatjoi,.-, 
with  MeiTrs.  Pickering  and  Wolcott ;  you  and  they  be- 
came centinelson  all  my  words,  ail  my  geilures  :  And  it 
being  known,  that  I  fhould  renew  in  the  debate  upon  the 
treaty  my  undilTernbled  protection  again!}  a  rupture  with 
France,  it  was  too  admirable  an  opportunity  for  culling 
a  few  atoms  of  teftimcnv  of  French  influence  over  me, 


['  51     ] 

to  be  loft  by  an  untimely  difco;Tery  of  the  letter.  Was 
this  open?  Was  this  generous?  Was  it  characterittic  o£ 
an  inquiry  after  truth  ;  or  was  it  not  rather  characleriilic 
of  a  labour  to  defend  before  the  world  a  judgment  alrea- 
dy fixed  ?  It  was  in  perfect  union  with  the  events  of  the 
igr.h  of  Ar.guit;  when  your  tribunal  of  inquiry  had  been 
iitung  more  than  an  hour  before  I  was  admitted;  when 

I  was   received  in  the   forms   of  a  Hate-criminal ;    when 
thole,  who  had  been  plotting  againft  me,  were  invited  to 
interrogate  ;  when  in  military    llyle  I  was  directed  to  re- 
tire,  until  youfhould  converie  with  ihem. 

It  was  aifo  in  perfect  unilbn  with  vour  own  and  Mr* 
Wolcott's  indifference  in.  obtaining  the  neaffary  lights* 
The  principal  parts  of  Mr.  Fauchet's  letter,  fo  far  as  they 
affect  me,  depend  for  their  explanation  and  illullration 
upon  his  difpatches  No.  3  and  6.  Without  thefe  the/tf#.r, 
from  which  he  draws  his  inferences,  could  not  be  divined 
by  you;  and  your  lulpicions  had  for  their  foundation  on- 
ly his  alfertion  of  "  -precious  cotffejjtons"  from  me ;  his 
"  conjecture"  contained  in  the  ilatement  No.  3,  and  his 
obfervations  upon  an  unknown  overture  in  No.  6.  You 
avow  in  your  letter  of  Sept.  27,  179*;,  that  "  you  have 
"  never  ieen  in  whole  or  in  part,  Mr.  Fauchet's  dif- 
"  patches  No.  3  and  6;"  and  "  that  you  do  not  pofleis 

II  any  documents  or  knowledge   of  papers,  which   have 
"  affinity  to  the  iuV;ject  in  quefiicn."     In   like   manner, 
Mr.  Wolcott,  whole  agency  with  the  Britiili  minifier  on 
this  occafion  has  been    lo  confpicuous,  diiclaims,   on   the 
2d  of  October   1795,  any  li  knowledge,  whether  they  or 
11  either  of  them  (No.  3  and  6)  have  been  feen  by  Lord 
lt  Grenville  or  Mr.  Hammond."     Thus  not  the  imalleft 
exertion  was  made  to  procure   thefe   documents ;  which 
would  be  naturally  fought  for  by  thofe,  ^udgmenc 
was  not  p re-occupied. 

Nor  was  this  ail.  You  undertook  to  decide  for  me, 
that  my  inquiries  from  Mr.  Hammond  for  No.  3  and  6, 
mufi  be  unavailing ;  becaufe  you  withheld  from  me  Mr. 
Fauchet's  letter,  until  Mr.  Hammond  had  failed  for  Eu- 
rope. This  is  no  fpeculative  complaint.  For  1  have 
been  allured,  that  a  duplicate  of  No.  6,  accompanied 


[      52      ] 

the  letter  No.  lo.  from  Philadelphia;  but  whether  it  was 
in  or  out  of  cypher  cannot  be  afcertainecT  farther,  than 
that  it  was  probably  out  of  cypher,  as  No.  lo  was  in  the 
common  character. 

Did  Lord  Gr-enviile's  h'gh  probity  infure  the  fending 
of  all  papers,  belonging  to  the  fubject?  Did  Mr.  Ham- 
mond's peculiar  cando.'  render  it  impoffible  for  him  to 
fupprefs  them  '<  Or  was  Mr.  Fauchet's  accuracy  fo  un- 
queftionabie,  as  to  fuperfede  the  neceility  of  even  afking 
for  No.  3  and  6  ? 

Of  Lord  Grenviile  I  (hall  not  fpeak,  except  in  his  po- 
litical character  towards  the  United  States,  and  his  condud 
iri  this  tranfaclion.  The  arrogant  observations  whir.h  he 
made  to  Mr.  Pinckney  againft  the  friends  of  France  in 
our  country ;  the  difpleafure  cxpreifed  by  the  Britifti  ca- 
binet on  the  letters,  wnrten  to  the  National  Convention, 
with  your  approbation  ;  the  dexterous  perfeverance,  with 
which  he  has  interwoven  in  the  treaty  everything,  adverfe 
to  France,  which,  it  was  fuppofed,  could  be  tolerated  ; 
and  Mr.  Fauchet's  letter,  being  nine  months  old,  when 
it  was  firft  exhibited  to  you  ; — theie  incidents  ought  to 
have  reminded  you,  that  the  No.  3  and  6  deferved  one 
fhort  inquiry.  They  ought  to  have  reminded  you  of 
the  pcfiibility,  that  inftead  of  an  anxiety  in  his  lordfhip 
to  maintain  our  government,  free  from  corruption,  he 
might  have  been  tempted,  by  the  profpecl  of  more  ef- 
fectually prepcileiling  you  againft  the  friends  of  France, 
to  keep  back  thofe  references.  For  he  tranfmitted  the 
letter  No.  lo  to  Mr.  Hammond,  tl  to  be  ufed  to  the  bejl 
1  advantage  for  his  Ivlajeftys  Jervice"  If  any  fcope  of 
thought  had  been  indulged,  it  run  ft  have  {truck  you,  that, 
as  Mr.  Jay  and  Mr.  Pinckney  did  not  appear  to  have  been 
acquainted  with  the  letter,  it  was  reierved  by  the  Britifti 
government  for  a  critical  moment,  and  that  it  ought  to 
be  attempted  to  fupply  the  mutilations  by  a  demand  of 
the  references. 

Who  was  Mr.  Hammond  ?  In  fpeaking  of  him  too  I 
(hall  confine  myfelf  to  his  political  demeanor.  Into  his 
breaft  had  been  t rant  ufed  the  largeft  portions  of  his  na- 
tion's hatred  to  all  perfons  in  the  United  States, who  were 


t     53     I 

conceived  to  be  attached  to  France.  He  denied  to  him- 
felf  no  opportunity  or "throwing  an  odium  on  them  You 
never  Will  forget,  Sir,  his  long,  infoient  and  contumeli- 
ous neglect  of  the  ordinal  v  civilities,  due  from  him,  as  a 
fore.gn  minifier,  to  •  ef  magi  ft  rate.  You 

were  no  ftran^er  to  his  perfonal  irritation  again  ft  me, 
for  my  friendiuip  to  France,  for  my  remonitrances  againil 
Govern''-  oe's  i)  -;  for  my  defence  of  the  go- 

vern- Ifiand  in  reclaiming  the   citizens  of 

the  United  States,  impreiied  and  detained  on  board  of  the 
Britifh  (L  ;  and  for  the  order,  which  in  its  o- 

peration  ought  to  have  prevenied  Britifh  (hips  of  war 
from  iillng  our  ports,  as  ihuions,-  from  whence  to  prey 
upon  the  French.  You  -ttered  your  indignation 

at  his  hoiit  a  lhado'w  of  proof ;  and 

the  ie-  ;ht  be  tranfported  by  the  vio- 

lence of  his  paQion,  \vere  not  eaiy  to  be  defined.  Was 
this  the  rnr.n,  to  be  implicitly  trufted  for  candor  towards 
my  felf,  or  any  friends  to  France? 

Mr.  Fau:het's  letter  bears  upon  the  face  of  it  reafons 
to  qiieflion  his  accuracy.  You  have  often  queftioned  it, 
from  the  examination  of  his  diiierent  difpatches  to  the 
government  ;  as  the  anfvvers  to  them  prove. 

To  thefe  evidences  of  your  "judgment  being  made  up, 
without  the  references  No.  3  and  6,  I  mu!r  add,  that 
the  immediate  ratification  of  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain 
can  be  traced  to  no  other  fource,  than  a  furrender  of 
yourfelf  to  the  fir  ft  impreflions  from  the  letter,  which 
inftantaneoufiv  governed  you  with  refpecl.  to  that  inftru- 
ment  and  myieli.  My  narrative  on  this  head  has  been 
explicit.  I  have  afferted,  and  I  again  aiTert,  that  from 
the  13th  of  July  to  the  nth  of  Auguft  it  was  your 
determination,  to  ratify  if  the  provi lion-order  was  ar- 
ranged upon  principles  to  your  fatisfaction  ;  and  not  to 
ratify  during  its  exiilence  :  and  that  whenfocver  in  your 
letters  you  ip  itification,  you  mean  a  future  rati- 

fication upon  condition.  How  your  determination  is  tcr 
be  reduced  to  mere  doiibts,  I  pretend  not  to  foive. 

The  events,  fubfequent  to  the  nth  of  Auguft,  demon - 
ftrate  how  fuddenly  you  yielded  to  the  letter. 

H 


[     54     ] 

It  had  indeed  been  circulated  at  the  coffee-houfe  in  the 
morning  of  that  day,  either  by  Mr.  Hammond  or  his  af- 
fociates,  that  I  was  at  the  bottom  of  the  town-meetings; 
and  that  there  was  a  confpiracy,  of  which  I  was  a  mem- 
ber, to  deftroy  the  popuiaviiy  of  the  Preiident,  and  to 
rhruil  Mr.  Jeiierfon  into  his  chair.  Among  the  intem- 
perate arguments  of  Mr.  Pickering  to  urge  you  into  an 
.immediate  ratification,  one  was,  that  the  ftruggle  to  de- 
feat the  treaty  was  the  acl  of  a  "  deteftable  and  nefarious 
"  confpiracy."  I  retorted  to  my  former  arguments.:  that 
the  treaty  did  not  appear  to  me  to  warrant  the  provilion- 
order  :  that  if  it  did,  it  was  inadmifiible,  becaufe  you 
had  fandioned  a  letter  on  the  yth  of  September  1793, 
acknowledging  a  permiffion  in  Great  Britain  to  exevciie 
fuch  a  power,  to  be  a  caule  of  war  to  France :  that  we 
mould  be  incontinent  in  our  difcudions  with  the  French 
miniiter  ;  becaufe,  when  he  remonftrated  upon  the  exten- 
fion  of  contraband  by  the  treaty,  it  was  anfvvered,  that 
we  did  not  alter  the  law  of  nations ;  but  now  we  mould 
delert  what  was  contended  to  be  'the  law  of  nations,  in  two 
letters  to  Mr.  Hammond  :  that  you  would  run  the  hazard 
of  a  war  with  France,  by  combining  to  llarve  her  ;  and 
that  her  difcontentswere  the  only  poilible  chance  remain- 
ing to  the  Eritiih  partizans  for  throwing  us  into  the  arms 
of  Great  Britain,  by  creating  a  ieeming  neceflity  of  an 
alliance  v/irh  the  latter  power.  By  my  advice  the  Uni- 
Si.rite.s  would  aifo  have  l>een  mafters  of  all  contingen- 
(-' nd  of  the  campaign.  To  my  unutterable  afto- 
nillimen't,  I  l<>ou  difcovered,  that  you  were  receding  from 
your  4t  determination"  You  had  been  reflecting  upon 
your  courf-  !Vom  the  26ch  of  June  to  the  13th  of  July  ;  on 
t'ie  latter  day  you  decided  on  it ;  a  communication  was 
made  to  the  Britifh  miniiier  in  conformity  with  it ;  let- 
r  rs  were  addreiTed  to  our  own  miniflers  in  conformity  to 
it ;  they  were  infpeded  by  you,  before  you  reicinded 
your  purpole  ;  no  imperious  circumftances  had  arifen, 
except  the  ilrength  of  the  popular  voice,  which  would, 
according  fo  ordinary  calculation,  corroborate,  not  re- 
verfe,  your  former  refolution;  you  adigned  no  new  rea- 
foris  for  the  new  meafuFes  ;  and  you  difregarded  the  an- 


[     55     ] 

iwer  to  Bo  (ion,  although  it  had  committed  you  upon  a 
fpeciti!  fuc?,  namely,  a  determination  not  to  ratify  du- 
ring the  exigence  of  the  provifion-order.  While  I  was 
fearcbing  for  the  cauie  of  this  iingular  revolution;  and 
could  not  but  remember,  that  another  opinion,  which  was 
always  weighty  with  you,  had  advifed  you  not  to  exchange 
ratifications^  until  the  proviiion-order  fhould  be  a'oolimed, 
or  the  American  minifter  fhould  receive  farther  inftruc- 
tions,  if  it  \vere  not  abolished,- — after  duty  had  dictated  to 
me  an  acquiefcence  in  your  varied  fentiments,  and  I  had 
prepared  a  memorial  to  Mr.  Hammond,  adapted  to  them; 
— after  vou  had  figned  the  ratification  on  the  i8th  of  Au- 
gull ;  Mr.  Fa'ichet's  letter  brought  forth  a  folution  of 
the  whole  affair.  There  it  was,  that  Mr.  Pickering'* 
14  deteffoble  and  nefarious  ccnfpiracy"  was  fuppoied  to 
be  found :  there  it  was  that  the  dark  defign  of  replacing 
you  by  another  Prefident  was  irppofed  to  be  found  ;  there 
it  was,  that  a  corrupt  attachment  to  France  was  luppoled 
to  be  found  ;  thence  it  was,  that  Meffrs.  Pickering  and 
Wclcott  wrought  upon  vou  with  iniinuations  of  perfidy 
in  me  ;  thence  it  was,  that  you  were  perfuaded  to  lay  a- 
iide  all  fear  of  a  check  from  the  friends  of  France : — - 
thence  it  was,  that  the  French  caufe  and  invfelf  were  in- 
ftantaneoufly  abandoned  ;•  thence  it  was,  that  you  pro- 
ceecjed  in  a  iiyle,  which  according  to  the  reports  of  your 
confidential  officers,  was  intended  to  irnpofe  on  me  the 
alternative  of  resignation  or  removal  ;  and  it  was  from 
the  knowledge  of  this  intention,  th:-?t  Mr.  Pickering  made 
the  chief  cierl:  in  the  department  of  flare  the  organ  of  a 
declaration  to  that  effect — What  eiie  is  all  this,  but  pre- 
judicatio:i  ? 

I  now  enter  upon  the  proof  of  fny  ieccnd  pciirion  ;  that 

you  ought  to  have  wirhllood  the  impuife,  which  hurried 

you  into  a  prejudicattpn  ;  and  this  too,  nor  from  the  rules 

of  general  juftice  alone,  biit  from  'he  peculiar  circiunihn- 

^•f  the  cafe. 

The  groundwork  cf  nil  the  c^bininy  is  a  Icrrer  from  a 

foreign  miniller  to   his  gGveniiiic-ii!..      It  could   not,   iir, 

eicupe  you,  that  to  refiite  it,   I  mail,  in  a  great  degree,   it 

altogether,   undertake  to  prove  a  negative.      A   nicra- 


1     56     J 

her  of  the  adminiilration  has  gone  lo  far,  as  to  lay,  on 
this  ground,  that  I  cannot  exculpate  my  fell".  Well  might 
he  triumph  in  this  envenomed  hope  :  'for  mv  chief  re- 
fource  was  in  an  explanation  from  the  \vriter  himfelf. 
But  where  was  the  writer,  \\heii  the  letter  was  thought 
ripe  for  my  crimination  V  iVohabjy  on  the  high  leas,  or 
in  France,  or  at  any- rate  three  hundred  miles  diflant. 
Mr.  Fauchet  had  long  quitted  Philadelphia  ;  and  the  fri- 
gate, which  was  to  convey  him  to  France,  waited  for  no- 
thing, but  favourable  weather,  for  palling  the  Bririfh  {hip 
Africa.  Who  was  the  writerl  A  rnmider,  recalled  by 
the  enemies  of  his  friends  ,and  patrons  j  personally  dif- 
gufted  with  the  fecretary  of  1  ftate  ;  and  confcious  of  the 
danger  of  incoi<[iilency.  It  was  no  great  favour  there- 
fore to  expect  the  fufpeniiop  of  your  opinion,  efpeciallv 
as,  if  I  had  milcarr  ied  in  feeing  Mr.  Fauchet,  I  mull  for 
months  have  been  inevitably  deprived  of  his teftimony. 

The  time  when  the  letter  crept  from  the  pocket  of 
the  Britith  mlniiler,  was  expofed  to  very  obvious  ani- 
madverlions.  You  had  been  informed  of  his  eagerneis  to 
crown  his  million  by 'the  confummation  of  the  treaty,  of 
which  he  was  an  aijeclionate  admirer,  and  Lord  Gren- 
ville  had  been  the  anxious  parent.  Mr.  Wolcptt,  pro- 
fufe  in  his  refponfibility  for  others,  would  feem,  in  his 
letter  of  October  the  8th,  to  excul'e  Mr.  Hammond  from 
requeuing  or  intimating,  that  the  contents  of  the  letter 
might  be  communicated  to  the  Preiident.  and  fathers  it 
as  his  own  fuggeflion,  that  it  ought  to  be  delivered  to  him 
for,  that  purpofe.  The  world  cannot  be  deceives  by  this. 
Mr.  Hammond  underilcod  the  goodnefs  of  the  ioil,  in 
which  he  was  fowing  the  feed  ;  and  duly  appreciated  the 
fruit,  which  was  to  fpring  from  it.  He  was  convinced, 
and  you  mull  have  been  convinced,  that  he  counted  up- 
on your  being  made  a  partner  of  the  fecret;  and  would 
have  foon  explained  himfelf  in  that  way,  if  Mr.  Wol- 
cott's  patriotic  ardor,  to  hurl  a  feeble  dart  at  the  republi- 
cans of  the  United  States,  had  not  anticipated  him  by  a 
particular  application.  With  this  imprefTion,  it  ought  to 
have  occurred,  that  Mr.  Hammond  might  have  chc 
for  the  communication,  the  period  when  you  refufed  the 


[     57     1 

ratificaiion  from  a  clrcunnhnce,  principally  relative  to 
the  French.  I  aftert  that  ;  cried;  br- 

csuie  he  was   inlirucled  to  nie  the   K  the  ber. 

of  his  Majesty's  fervice.      He   had   ioi;  heard,   il 

vou  generally  fuifr.  .iclf  to  be  r  1  by  a  rna~ 

jorltv  of  your  ci  aiKl  thii:  cen  Merits. 

Wclcott  and  Pickering,  who  ca  irh  jov  the  feem 

authority   to  denounce  the   foes  of  the  trebly,  r.s  a  "  i 
;t   editable  and  :  :  nfniracv,1'  ,111  ci  \vere   per! 

furniilied  with  iome  peculiar  topics  tor  your  ear,  wq 
turn  your  mind  to  the  revocation  of  vov.r  original  inten- 
tion. Couiiderntior.G  hkc  thele  {hould  hav«  recommend- 
ed real  moderation,  in  deciding  upon  a  mutilated  in- 
ilrument;  and  the  induceiiitnt  to  moderation  was  height- 
ened by  a  natural  fuipicicn,  that  the  luppreilion  of  the 
let-;.  ,  until  Mr.  Hammond  was  on  fliipboard, 

ar<  .:e  to  be  iiiierrcgatetl  .  ning  its 

referen  ^ 

1'hefacls  fpeak  too  ftrongly  to  be  refilled,  and  I  muft 
repeat  them  here.  When  was  the  letter  delivered  to  Mr. 
Wolcott?  On  the  (2Sih  of  July.-  <  was  the  le 

communicated  to  you  ?  On  the  lithe  -       -"lien 

did  Mr.  Hammond  leave  Philadelphia  fr.r  New-York? 
On  the  15th  of  Auguflv — "\Vhen  d:d  he  ::clr;iii!y  fail  fi-.  • 
thence?  On  the  lyth  in  the  morning — W iien  wai  die 
letter  exhibited  to  me  ?  On  ->n. 

But  let  me  allow,  Sir,  '•  Jr.  Faucbct's 

letter,    inftead   of  heh:  :es,    had 

vouched  for  the  pi:  reward 

of  fecret   lervices  to  France.      \on   01 
have  pauied,  before  you  (It 

it  for  eight  days,  and  to  I  E  v,  hich   ] 

received  from  you  .      .  t 

me,  in  a  (train  of  the-.. 
ornev-General.      I 
r.ment  of  Hate, 

r ions  would  be  car  >on 

fupenority  to  the  Ilialts  of  party  irsrii, 
i :.      Liy  eon:: 

rantee,  tirac  a  C(. 


[     58     3 

eign  minuter  vos  irnpoflible.  Have  I  not  always,  with 
firmncfs  and  without  diflimulation  contradicted  any  even 
of  yfl/;r  opinion?,  in  ^--hich  I  did  nor  coincide  ?  Did  I  not 
aciualiy  iiKuir  your  difpleafijre  by  objecting  to  the  appoint- 
ment of  Col.  Hamilton,  a  '  to  London,  for  reafons, 
which  I  afterwards  communicared  to  himfelf ;  to  the  ap- 
pointment of  Mr.  Jav,  becanfe  it  was  a  bad  precedent, 
that  a  chief-juflice  Iliould  be  taugl  •  'dk  up  for  execu- 
tive honours,  flowing  from  the  head  of  it.  while  lie  retain- 
ed his  judicial  feat ;  and  to  t!i^  <:rantini;  of  commercial 
powers  to  Mr,  Jay?  Did  I  .  the  appointment  of 
any  of  my  own  friends?  Have  I  not  adhered  to  the  princi- 
ples which  I  marked  out  fo  myfeif  in  my  letter  of  the  ipth 
cf  April  1704*?  Was  there  BO  occai'ion,  on  which  1  ren- 


Philadelphia,  April  19,  1794. 


1  CALLED  up^n  Mr.  Monroe,  and  obtained  h:s  promife  to  explain  the  manner  of  his 
procuring  the  ex: racl,  a?  it  was  in  truth,  withoui  my  privity,  and  againit  the  rule  of  the 
office.  But  I  find,  that  Mr.  King  was  employed  in  the  examination  of  the  lame  books, 
at  the  fame  time  ;  fo  that  in  this  inflance,  the  want  of  equal  raeafure  cannot  upon  any 
ground  be  tV.fpeired. 

Vour  friendly  remarks  and  to  the  many  obligations,  v.-rr.ch  I  owe  to  you  ;  and  alfo  pre- 
icr.r  an  ouporrunitv,  wh.ch  I  canr.ot  forejo,  of  unbofoiviinc,  tnvfelf  to  you  without  rcferve. 

I  have  often  JaicL — I  Oil!  fry — that  nothing  (hall  ("way  me,  as  nothi.n;  has   vet    iv,  ,,,.-; 
.'.it  frcip  a  Ion  .^fettled  determination,  never  to  attach  in ivjV'lt  10  party.      1  be- 
1'     '        at     rnijrht  appeal  to  you.  Sir — nay,  I  (hould  not  dillrult  an  appeal  to  any  man  with 
••  acled,  that  this  determination  has  been  con.icicnc.iomh-  purfued.      What  has 
been  the  ronfeqrence  ?  I  J;now  it — that  rr«y  opinions,  not  conta'pirii1:  any  fyflematic  aclhe- 
rerice  1       .:   ,'       ..    :;n-  tblely  frcrn  rn.y  views  of  ri^ht,  fall  ibinetimeson  one  inic,  and 
fometimcs  o-i  the  other  •.   and  the  momentary  iatisfai^ion,  produced  by  an  occasional  coin- 
cidence of  I'-ntirnent,  does  viot  pie-  em  each  claims  fioru  occaiion^llv  cliat^ina;  me  with  in- 
.:;d  much  iat her  inbrait  tp  this  tax,  than  to  the  more  painful  (euiarion?, 
v/hich  a  contrary  conduct  WOUJd  CiCile. 

F  am  i.v  !•  is  aopr'/C'i,  that  niv  •  or,n:n'-lions  by  friendfliip,  by  marriage, by  country,  and 
by  iim;!l'i:n-;  of  (.-pinion ...  \vh<'!e  repubiicanjfm  and  good  o;der  meet,  with  the  leaders  of 
the  fouthern  politics,  pive  biitli  to  fufpicions.  But  if  I  were  here  to  enumerate  the 
great  fubjecls,  which,  ijnce  th^  or^ani-Hiion  of  the  go' eminent,  have  agitated  the  public 
mind,  it  would  Appear,  that  e1  en  thcl'c  <  onnecT  n  -i  operated  upon  me,  beyond 

the  weight  of  tic;;  realfrn.  1  hey  are  inefliroable  to  roe  ;  and  whi.le  I  ;eta:n  a  conl''-5- 
oufntfs  of  my  ability  to  reuf,  an  nudue  injimn<c,  I  c^nnot  deny  the  iatisracHou, 
•which  1  feel  in  ma'prainin.',  •.'•>>•!«.  And  yet,  Sir,  i  here  is  one  fact,  ot"  which  I  beg  j'outo 
be  perfu;:ded  :  that  v:ith  t!r.;m  I  have  no  ccrnrr.unicaticn  ci:  matters  cf  government 
•w',  ich  I  vv-ould  not  have  vvjt!)  olheis: — I  convtife  ii\f):,  but  witl-:out  imi.oi;',ng  oii,('^i 
intelligence,  wlv«.}i  i',  not  01'  Jai  i'l'-ldhitely  Mi,i»jic  ppv.:Te:--f  rnmmit  mvi''-i"  l.-v  no'..'.!- 
nions — and  above  all  I  i;  .,;  ••  ,  .  engii  'Hue, 

which  is  a  favorite  wi;l:  sic,  While  I  was  writing  il 
"  what  view  can  I  i  a  -'nfwi'r  is,  mace,  iiberrv,  and  f,oo<.i  ^o~  ci:.u:.;.:t. 


[     59     ] 

dered  myfelf  deeply  obnoxious  to  thofe,  whom  you  diet 
not  wiili  to  provoke,  merely  by  urging  you  to  manifeit 
}uur  independence  of  all  p:-n.y.  by  labrnirting  to  the  in- 
folence  of  none?  Thcie  was  luch  an  occaiion.  Did  I 
ever  attempt  to  ingratiate  myieir  with  others  by  ibliciting 
offices  for  them?  Difdaining  to  coniuifc  your  prejudices, 
I  have  yet  cherilhed  your  character,  by  adviiing  you  to 
meaiures,  whicli  ^oniuited  liable  government,  the  temper 
of  the  people,  and  the  neutrality  which  you  had  prelcrib- 
ed.  I  forbore  to  remove  the  lufpicions  which  were  ut- 
tered of  rny  having  reiinquiihed  republican  ground. when 
I  became  Secretary  of  State  ;  although  I  need  only  to  have 
mentioned  the  conliant  tenor  of  my  advice  Co  you.  1  for- 
bore this  too,  under  circumilarices  net  a  little  trying;  for 
I  focn  perceived,  that  your  popularity  had  been  the  fund, 
upon  the  credit  of  which  all  your  acts,  when  unpalatable 
in  themfelves,  had  been  made  current,  and  that  this  fund 
was  not  eternal.  In  lliort,  Sir,  you  kne~&  enough  of  me,  to 


When  I  contemplate  liu'  uiher  ;.2r*y,  I  iee  aruonj;  thtm  men,  whom  I  ref-iecl,  and  who, 
if  their  dupiicit/  be  not  extreme,  rtlpect  rnc.  I  fee  ethers,  who  reipect  no  m:r.i,  but  irr 
proportion  to  his  iublerviency  iotiu.ii  wifhe^.  Some  of  thefe  are  well  informed,  :.hit  I 
have  spoofed,  in  feveral  inftancs-.,  icings  which  they  had  at  heau.  I  have  no  reafcm  to' 
fuiped  Col.  Hamilton  of  any  uukiail  ditpolition  towards  me — he  has  none  on  rny 

with  relation  to  himleit" hven  to  your  coniulentiai  ear  have  I  never  diicloi'edan  idea 

concerning  him,  which  he  might  not  hear;  and  -which,  in  many  iudarccs,  and  particular- 
It  a  late  one,  he  has  net  heard  tioru  ;ny  own  mouiM.  But  I  have  leaion  to  fui'-.'ecl  others—  if 
you  paufe  upon  a  meaiure,  which  ti.iy  aje  anxious  for,  i  am  fuppoled  to  embariiiis  yo.i 
withconfideiations  of  a  i^>;>ulai  kii.J. 

But  1  have  faid   enough — perhanb  too  much.     SufTer    me,  however,  to  aJd  one   word 
more,  of  the  iincerity  of  which  1  aik  no  oiher  judse  than  yoiufelf.     Your  character  is  an 
objecl  of  real  affeclion  to  me  :   there  is  no  judgment,   no  diiint.2refteT-3n.els,  no  prudence, 
in  which  I  ever  had  equal  confidence.  I  have  often  indeed  exp:c!!.eci  lenurn-jms  contrary 
to  yours.  This  wasmv  duty;  becaufe  they  were  my  fentimenis.  3m,  S:i,  they  we:, 
ver  tinctured  by  any  other  motive,  than  toprefent  t:>  your  rejection  the  mift.. 
which  wicked  men  mithtma!:e  of  your  viewi:  and  to  hold  cut  to  you  a  truth  of  infinite  im- 
portance to  the  United  Suits,  tha:  no  danger  can  attend  us,  as  long  as  the petiuafion c 
»ues,  that  you  are  not,  and  cannot  become    the  hta-d  of  a  party.    1  i:e  people  ven^rau 
becauie  they  z:t  convinced,  that  you  cnoolc  toiepole  vourfeif  or,  them.    Let  me  inticat 
you,  only  to  look  xound  the  continent,  and  decide,  if  there  be  am-  ether  man  but  yoiufelf, 
who  is  bottomed  upon  the  people,  .independent  of  party  <  There  is  fureiy  ::ons  ;  and  tiie" 
inference,  which  1  lubnn't  to  youv  candor,  is,  that  the  meafures  adopted  by  you,  fkould  be. 
tried  folely  by  your  own  pure  and  unbiaffed  mind 

1  have  the  honor  to  be, 

Dear  Sir, 

With  the  inoft  aiTettionate  attachment  and  reflect, 
Your  moft  obedient  fervant, 

E  D  M  :    RANDOLPH. 

The  Prefide.nt. 


t  60  ] 

demand  that   you  flioulcl  hefkate,  before  you  {hut  your 
mind  againll  inquiry. 

Had  Mr.  Fauchet's  letter  been  ftiesvh  to  me  in  private, 
rather  than  in  the  prefence  of  two  n.cn,  perltmaliy  irrita- 
ted agaihfi  me,  Tv-::i  prepared  '••  ei  fimclion  of  &>un- 
fellora  or  witnrik:.^  ;  and  thus  my  eie^  ared,  while 
in  you;  t\  bvan  idea;  '.  the  iauieis  ef  which, 
be  the-.  or  perpc.-.  '  ..;  to  yon  alone: — • 
had  yon  oLrlen  ed  towards  me,  the  rricud  of  the  French 
•fe.  and  one  of  thofe  named  in  the  letter  of  the  French. 
RHnifter,  the  lame  delicate  conduct,  which  yon  would  have 
ohferved  towards  fome  of  the  enemies  ot"  the  French  caufe 
if  ihcy  had  been  named  in  an  intercepted  letter  of  the 
Briuili  rmniuer  : — had  you  been  yourlelf- — fuch  as  you 

c — when  party  dare  not  approach  you: — -I  (hould 
have  thanked  you,  and  immediately  gone  in  quell  of  the 

•,;fs  which  I  now  pollefs.      Every  oilicial  ad   was  liable 

to  yom  conception   or   prohibition;    and  if  fatisfied,   you 

,iid  have  avoided    your   invincible  repugnance  to  re- 

L  But  that  letter  has  been  greedily  clutched  for  three 
object  ;  to  infure  the  ratification  of  the  treat-;  ;  to  drive 
m  office  ;  and  to  endeavour  to  deitroy  the  republi- 
C3E-S  in  the  United  States.  The  fir  it  isaccompiifhed  :  the 
second  is  a  lib  accomplished,  and  was  unneceliarily  preci- 
pitated, fince  you  were  acquainted  with  my  determination 
to  reili:n  at  the  beginning  of  the  enfuing  year  :  the  third 

never  be  accdrrrpl idled,  until  the  people  mall  forget 

r  friends,  and  forget  truth. 

Refignation  tlien  was  the  path  of  honour.  What?  hold 
«n  otlice,  to  be  adminiftered  under  the  hourly  controul  of 
'him,  who  was  thoroughly  dilpofecl  to  prelent  humiliation 
to  me  in  all  us  fhapes  ;  and  would  have  proftrated  the 
guidance  of  the  department  of  ftate  to  a  Secretary  of  the 
Treafury,  and  a  Secretary  of-  War,  who,  but  a  few  weeks 

ire,  were  thought  by  him,  as  but  iucceilors  in  form  to 

deliberative  ta.ients  of  their  predeceribrs.  Truly  can  I 
affirm,  th;;:  not  a  {ingle  hour  was  ever  brightened  by  the 
pleafures  of  the  pott  ;  and  I  friouid  have  ihafcen  off  its 
irkfome  weight,  at  the  clofe  of  the  {aft  year,  had  I  obeyed 
rri y  intereft  or  inclination,  infread  of  my  attachment  to 


you.  If  indeed  the  affair  had  been  lefs  in  the  reach  of 
inquiry  from  my  refignation,  I  would  not  have  reiigned. 
But  this  is  not  the  cafe.  I  -defy  an  inquiry,  ho.wibever 
backed  bv  party,  by  management,  or  by  influence.  My 
countrymen  will  therefore  be  perfuaded,  that  my  refigna- 
tion was  dictated  not  by  a  dread  of  examination,  but  by 
the  juft  pride  of  liberating  myfelP  from  indignities. 

It  was  incumbent  on  me  to  touch  the  two  prelimi- 
nary points  ;  in  order  that  I  might  enter  into  the  analy- 
lis  of  Mr.  Fauchet's  letter,  without  the  prejudice,  which' 
your  character  might  impofe  on  my  caufe,  from  a  fuppo- 
fitidri  that  you  had  formed  your  judgment  upon  a  calm 
and  clifpafiionate  invefiigation.  —  I  renounce  every  other 
view.  For  I  fcorn  to  reil  my  defence  upon  the  imbeci- 
lity of  others,  rather  than  its  own  ilrength:—  I  fcorn  to  j 
take  refuge  in  the  fenlibility  of  the  public  mind,  rather 
than  the  purity  of  my  own  conducl.  Let  the  defects 
therefore  of  others  operate  no  further  in  my  behalf,  than 
to  remove  the  impreffions  which  malicious  indu.ft.ry  has 
circulated  through  the  United  States  under  the  mantle  of 
your  name.  I  afk  only  that  the  letter  may  now  be  conii- 
dered,  as  if  it  was,  for  the  rlril  time,  introduced  to 
public  notice  ;  and  that  the  eflential  references,  No.  3  and 
6,  to  which  you  have  been  hitherto  a  ftranger,  may  be 
coupled  with  that  letter. 

When  I  am  called  upon  to  prove  a  negative,  it  ought 
to  be  enough  for  me  to  deny  the  charges,  until  they  arc 
fupported  by  better  evidence,  than  the  mere  aflertion  of 
any  rr.inifter.  Be  it,  however,  othenvife  ;  —  I  will 

prove  it,  as  far  as  it  is  within  the  reach  of  proof. 

Tbtfiji  paragraph  of  Mr.  F.rackefs  letter*. 

(i  i.  The  meafares  which  prudence  prefcnbes  to  me  to  take,  with  reipect 
to  zr.y  colleagues,  have  ftill  prefided  in  the  digeiling  of  the  u. 

\>y  r'.eni,  which  tirnt  oi  the  ittiUrrcoTticn  of  the  vveftcrn  countries, 


iopted  by  the  government.     1  have  allowed 

lined  to  (he  giving  of  a  laithfui.  but  naked  reciral  of  events  ; 

the  K  therein  contained  i'carcelv  exceed  the  conclufions  eafiiy  de» 

duciblefrom  tli  .       .iraed  bv  the  public  prints.     I  have  referred 


man,  at  m;-  requcil,  and  »K:;ivered   to  tht 

h          -  "-  '"• 


Pinit,-  -  the  frsp-ch          -  "-  '"•;,  (  m 

'. 


T 


[     62     ] 

ir.yfeii  to  i;!ve  you  as  far  as  I  am  able  a  kev  to  the  fuels  detailed  in  our 
reporr.s.  When  it  cornes  in  queition  to  explain,  either  by  conjectures  or 
bv  ccr'.nin  data,  the  fecret  views  of  a  foreign  government,  it  would  be 
imprudent  to  run  the  rifk  of  indifcretionsj  and  to  giveonefelf  up  to  men, 
whofe  known  partiality  for  that  government,  and  fimilitude  of  paffions 
and  interefts  with  its  chiefs,  might  lead  to  confidences,  the  iffue  of  which 
are  incalculable.  Befides,  the  precious  cpnfeflions  of  Mr.  Randolph  alone 
throw  a  fatisiaclory  light  upon  every  thing  that  comes  to  pafs.  Thefe  I 
hare  not  yet  communicated  to  my  colleagues.  The  motives  already 
mentioned  lead  to  this  referve,  and  fiill  lefs  permit  rne  to  open  myfelf  to 
them  at  the  prefent  moment.  I  (hall  then  endeavour,  Citizen,  to  give 
you  a  clue  to  all  the  meafures,  of  which  the  common  djfpafches  give  you 
an  account,  and  to  difcover  the  true  caufes  of  the  explofion,  which  it  is 
obftinately  refolved  to  reprefs  with  great  means,  although  the  Hate  of 
things  has  no  longer  any  thing  alarming." 

1  he  obfervation  upon  the  "  precious  confeffions  of  Mr. 
Randolph*'  involves  the  judicious  management  of  the  of- 
rice.  It  implies  no  deliberate  impropriety  ;  and  cannot 
be  particularly  anfvyered,  until  particular  inftances  are  ci- 
ted, uniefs  it  be  by  reforting  to  Mr.  Fauchet's  own  expla- 
nation. 

"  On  my  arrival,"/^  his  certificate^  "  on  this  continent,  the  Prefidcnt 
gave  me  the  rr.  oft  pofitive  affurance,  that  he  was  the  friend  of  the  French 
caufe.  Mr.  Randolph  often  repeated  tome  the  fame  affurance.  It  was  impof- 
iible  for  me  not  to  give  faith  to  it,  (in  fpite  of  fame  public  events  relative  to 
Prance  which  gave  me  fome  inquietude)  especially  when  the  Secretary  of 
Srare  conftantly  took  pains  to  convince  me  of  the  fenfations  of  good  will  of 
his  Government  for  my  Republic.  It  wasdoubtlefs  to  confirm  me  in  this 
opinion  that  he  communicated  to  me,  without  authority,  as  I  iuppoied, 
the  part  of  Mr.  Jay's  infl  ructions  which  forbade  him  to  do  any  thing  which 
fhould  derogate  from  the  engagements  of  the  United  States  with  France. 
My  error,  which  was  dear  to  me,  was  prolonged  only  by  the  continual 
efforts  of  Mr.  Randolph  to  calm  my  fears  both  upon  the  treaty  with  En- 
gland  and  upon  the  effect  which  it  might  produce  on  France.  He  was 
therefore  far  fron;  confiding  to  me  any  aft,  any  intention  of  Government 
by  virtue  of  any  concert  with  me,  or  in  confequence  of  any  emolument 
received  by  him,  or  for  the  expectation  or  hope  of  any  reccnipence  pro- 
mifed,  or  with  any  other  view  than  to  maintain  a  good  harmony  between 
France  and  the  United  States.  As  to  the  communications  which  he  has 
made  to  me  at  different  limes,  they  were  only  of  opinions,  the  greater 
part,  if  not  the  whole  of  which,  I  have  heard  circulated  as  opinions.  1 
alfo  recollect  that  on  one  occafion,  at  It-aft,  which  turned  upon  public 
meafure*,  he  obferved  to  rne,  that  he  could  not  enter  into  details  up- 
on fome  of  them,  becaute  by  doing  fo  he  fhould  violate  the  duties  of  his 
office.  From  whence  I  have  concluded  and  believe  that  he  never  commu- 
nicated to  me  what  his  duty  would  reprove.  I  will  obferveherc,  that  none 
of  Ins  conversations  with  me  concluded  without  his  giving  me  the  idea, 
that  the  Preiident  was  a  man  of  integrity,  and  a  fmcere  friend  to  1' ranee. 


'This  explains  in  part  what  I  meant  by  the  terms,  "  his  precious  confef- 
"  fions."     I   proceed  to   ether  details  relative  thereto.     I  could  ; 
only  to  explanations  on  his  part  upon  matters  which  bad  caufed  to  me  fame 
inquietude  :   And  1  have  never  infrnuared,  r.cr  could  I  ir.fcr.uate  in  th:ir 
letter,  that  I  fufpefted  on  his  part  even  the  mod  di'Vant  corrup.ion.'7 
explanations  had  equally  for  their  object  my  different  conversation*  r.ncn 
Weftern  affairs,  as  mav  he  fb^n  in  the  fcq-.^l  of  this  declarer: on. 

"  When  1  fpeak  in  this  i"  in  tbefe  words,  u   Be;:d?s,  the 

precious  confefuons  of  Mr.  Randolph  a  .pon  all  whk-i! 

iaUsfaftory  light,"     I  have  ftill  in  view  only  the  explain  i  ,J;  1 

have  fpoken  above  ;  and  I  rr.uft  confefs  that  very  often  I  h  :  fbr 

confeffions  what  he  mighr  have  to  communicate  to-  ir.»  :«  Tc- 

cret  authority.  And  many  things  which  in  the  iir^  inHaat  I  hu  I  co..fi 
as  confeffions  vvere  the  iV.bjeit  cf  public  converfatior-s.  I  v  :-?.  I 

v.'ill  [  I   have  had  more,  than  fufpi 

_-h  have  been  made  fo  me,  were  only  to  four.c  my  private  opiV 
the  intentions  of  the  French  Republic.1' 

It  is  obvious,  that  Mr.  Fauchet  labours  In  his  let: 
magnify  to  his  government  his  penetration  and  fkiii  in  ue- 
gociation.  Nnv,  he  may  probably  l;ave  >  I'.e  had 

acquired  iuch  anafcen.. 

the  ferrets  of  the  executive.  i>iK  an  example  has  n>: 
nor  can  be  quoted,  in  which,  while  he  was  indulging  ;hc 
belief  cf  confemon-S  I  \vas  not  iirictly  within  :;  of 

duty. 

Turn  vour  eyes,  S^r,  to  tl-^ 
Secretary  of  State.      The    French   minifier  \\ .' 
tionably  lent   i;pr>:i    an   errand    i;mi;ar  to  thzt    of 
other  foreign  rr:  Ltjh  the  movements 

•-•rrimenl,the  fpi  :  people,  and  the  c  .  . 

arife.     The  Secretary  i  his  part,  to  procure 

for  the  Preiident  from  the  rninif.cr  cvei  i"r4- 

tion  of  the  aiiairs  of  France..     It  \vovJd  i^e  ridlculc^s .. 
unavailing  to  purfue  this  ci^jccr,  L;it  bj 
of  a  confidence  in  the  i: 
of  accomplilhing  ir,  was  to  inculcate  ib 
government  towards  his  coil  cauic;  to  repel  his  oc- 

cafionai   complaints ;  to  act  candid! v  :  to- 

be  as  frank  in  communication?,  as  o^r  neuu-Tiuy   ,r  cl'ihc? 
real  fecrets  of  the  government  •  i;1.      ; ' 

has  been  a  fixed  ufage  for  the  Secretaries,  of  ^;.r.te  to  icer: 
con veri ations,  or  to  con:  im  --e  F ren  . 

indeed  everv  other  diplomatic  relident.     Y  e  been 


[     64     ] 

long  pi  ivy  to  this  uiage;  and  frequently  interrogated  me, 
as  to  Mr.  Fauchet's  lentiments  on  a  variety  of  matters. 
Were  I  to  fummon  to  my  remembrance  every  thing, 
which  I  have  imparted  to  you  from  him  ;  the  catalogue 
of  what  I  might  denominate  his  "  precious  confeffions," 
would  not  perhaps  be  imall.  But  very  probably  I  might 
convert  into  confeiiions  his  authorized  communications  : 
— I  might  be  deceived,  as  he  was  with  refpecl  to  myfeif, 
when  he  accepted  as  a  mark  of  my  perfonal  benevolence 
to  his  Republic,  that  portion  of  Mr.  Jay's  inftruclions, 
which  uas  communicated  to  him,  in  fubftance,  by  your 
direction.  That  I  never  did  for  a  reward,  or  emolument, 
received,  promifed,  expected,  or  hoped  for,  communicate 
to  him  any  acl  or  intention  whatsoever  of  the  government 
cf  the  United  States ;  that  I  never  did  intentionally  com- 
municate to  him,  without  your  approbation,  what  was  con- 
cealed from  others  :  that,  to  the  belt  of  my  belief,  I  ne- 
ver did  inadvertently  communicate  to  him  any  fecret  of 
the  government ;  that  I  never  had  a  converfation  with 
him,  which  I  conceived  to  be  of  importance,  and  did  not 
relate  to  you,  unlefs  I  were  prevented  by  your  abfence,  or 
fome  accident  :  and  that  I  never  uttered  a  fyllable  to  him, 
which  viojated  the  duties  of  office  ;  I  affeit,  and  to  the 
ailertion,  I  am  ready  to  fuperadd  the  moft  folemn  fanc- 
tion. 

It  will  be  neceflary  in  this,  and  mod  of  the  other  pa- 
ragraphs of  Mr.  Fauchet's  letter,  to  recollect  his  declara- 
tion, that,  where  he  has  nt>t  exprefsly  quoted  me,  he 
does  not  fpeak  from  my  authority.  I  mail  not  therefore 
in  this  place  deny,  as  I  might  with  truth,  that  I  was  the 
author  of  the  remark  at  the  clofe  of  the  fir  ft  paragraph  ; 
and  for  the  fame  reafon  I  fhall  not  on  future  occafions  de- 
ny, howfoever  I  might  with  truth,  things  not  fpeciaily  im- 
puted to  me. 

The  fecondj  third y  and  fourth  paragraphs. 

"  2.  To  confine  the  prefent  crifis  to  the  fimple  queftion  of  the  excife 
is  to  reduce  it  far  below  its  true  fcale  ;  it  is  indubitably  connected  with 
a  general  explofion  for  fome  time  prepared  in  the  public  mind,  but  which 
this  local  and  precipitate  eruption  will  caufe  tp  mifcarry/or  at  leaft  check 
for  a  long  time  ;— in  order  to  fee  the  real  caufe,  in  order  to  calculate  the 


[     65     ] 

effect,  and  the  confeq-'.ences,  we  null  afcend  to  the  origin  of  the  parties 
exiihng  in  the  ilate,  and  retrace  their  progrefs. 

11  3.  The  nrelcn:  Iv  ilcni  of  government  has  created  irr'.lcontent:.  This 
h  the  iorof  a:"l  ne\v  thi::^--.  IS'Iv  predeceflbrshave  given  inform 
detail  upon  the  parts  of  the  fyftem  which  have  particularly  awakened 
clamour:.  ar,d  produced  enemies  to  the  whole  of  ir.  The  primit;Ye  diri- 
fions  of  opinion  as  to  the  political  form  of  the  ftate?  and  the  limits  ol  the 
fovereignty  of  the  whole  over  each  iiafe  individually  fovereign,  had 
created  the  ti-dei'ulith  and  the  antifederalifts.  From  a  whimiicsl  contrail 
between  the  name  and  the  real  opinion  of  the  parties,  a  coniraa  hiiherro 
little  underftood  in  Europe,  the  former  aimed,  and  ftill  aim,  with  -A\  .heir 
power,  to  annihilate  federalifiru  whilft  the  latter  have  ahv  ,i  to 

preferveit.     This  contrail  was  crested  by  t'  :.?.'crs  o:  the  Confii- 

t'.uionaliils*,  who,  being  firft  in  giving  rhe  denominations  (a  matter  fo 
important  in  a  revolution)  took  for  themfelves  that  which  was  the  (3 
popular,  although  in  reality  i:  contradicted  theirideas,  and  gave  to  their 
rivals  one  which  would  draw  on  them  the  attention  of  the  people,  not- 
withftanding  they  really  wifhed  to  preferve  a  fyltem  whole  prejudices 
fliould  cheriih  at  ieaft  the  memory  and  the  na.r.o. 

"  4.  Moreover,  thefe   firil  divillons,  cf  the  ;-.nfjr:  f:f  ;'.:,:"e  to  b?  de- 
ftroyed  by  time,  in  proportion  r.s  the  nation  fnouid  have  advanced  in  the 
experiment  of  a  form  of  goveiriment  which  rendered  it  fiourifiiin-,r,  i\ 
now  have  completely  dilappeared,  if  the  fydern   of  lir.anc  had 

its  birwh  in  ;hr  cradle  ol  the.  coni"Litcticn,  had   not  renev/e.l  the^r  vigour 
under  various  iorni?.     The  mode  of  orgunifing   the  natior.al  cred:t;   the 
confolidating  and  funding  of  the  public  debt,  the  itttfpdu£Hob  :t>\  ihe  p  -ii- 
tical  economy  of  the  ufa^e  of  ftates,whicri  prolong  their  exmertc6  or  war  1 
off  their  fall  only  by  expedient:,  imperceptibly  treated  a  nnanci;. : 
who  threaten  to  become  the  ariliccrarical  order  of  the  ftnt-.     Several  ci- 
tizens, ard  among  ethers  tticfe  who  had  aided   in  eftabltfbing  indepen- 
dence \vith  their  puries  or   their  i>.rrr.s,  cop.cei\ed  themfelves  aggri 
by  thofe  iifcal  engagements.      Hence  an  oppofttion  which  eleci^res  i:fcU' 
betv/een  the  farming  or  agricultural  intereil,  and  that  c:  the  fife:-]  :  ie- 
deralifrn  sr.d  antifeaeraiilrn,  v/hich  are  founded  on  thoie  new  c- 
tions,  in  proportion  as  the  treafury  ufurps  a  preponderance  in  the 
ernment  and  legifiation  :   Hence  in  fine,  the  Prate,  divided  into  partifhr.s 
and  enemies  of  the  treafurer  and  of  his  theories.     It  this  n;-v  claiTin.a- 
tion  of  parties,  the  nature  of  things  gave  ^p-'hritv  to  the  hitter,  an  in- 
nate  initinc^,  if  I  may  ufe  the  expreififr,  cauied  th^  ears  nple 

to  revolt  at  thfe  names  alone  of  trfaforer  and  ftr,cli'«-M,ir  :   h. 
party,  in  coniequences  of  its  ability,  ob-Hri  rfled    in  Ic~vii,g   to 

its  adverfariet  the  fufpicicus  name  of  antifedc: mi.. 
were  friends  of  the  conititu tion,   and  enemies  only  of  the  exc 
which  financiering  theories  threatened  to  attach  to  it. 

Not  being  exprefsly  quoted  in  thefe  paragraphs  I  am 
bound  to  no  reply  upon  them.  The  magnitude  of  the 
infurredion  had  n:cl  :e:l  been  announced  by  the  Preiident 


[     66     ] 

in  hib  proclamation  of  the  yth  of  Auguft  1794,  when  he 
charged  it  with  ftriking  at  t(-  the  very  exigence  of  gcvern- 
"  ment,  and  the  fundamental  principles  of  focial  order." 
Every  paffage  in  thefe  paragraphs  is  plainly  the  fruit  of 
Mr.  Fauchet's  own  fpecuiations. 

The  fifth  p  aragraph* 

<*  5.  It  is  ufelefs  to  {lop  longer  to  prove  that  the  monarchical  fyilern 
•.VAS  interwoven  with  thofe  novelties  of  finances,  and  that  the  friends  of 
the  latter  favoured  the  attempts  which  were  made  in  order  to  bring  the 
conftittttion  to  the  former  by  infenftble  gradations.  The  writings  of  in- 
fluential men  of  this  party  prove  it  j  their  real  opinions  too  avow  it,  and 
the  journals  of  the  Senate  are  the  depofitory  of  the  firft  attempts." 

Here  too  Mr.  Fauchet  refers  for  his  authority,  not  to 
myfelf,  but  to  the  writings  of  influential  men, who  patren- 
ifed  the  financial  fyflem  ;  to  their  avowed  opinions  ;  and 
to  the  journals  of  the  Senate. 

The  fixth  paragraph \ 

<*  6.  Let  us>  therefore,  free  ou rfei res  from  the  intermediate  fpaces  in 
which  the  progrefs  o{  the  fyilem  is  marked,  fince  they  can  add  nothing  to 
the  proof  of  its  exiftence-*-Let  us  pafs  by  its  fympathy  with  our  regene- 
rating movements,  while  running  in  monarchical  paths — Let  us  arrive  at 
the  firuationin  which  our  Republican  revolution  has  placed  things  and 
parties/' 

This  paragraph  is  a  mere  introduction  to  fame  of  thofe, 
which  follow. 

The  feventh  paragraph* 

ft  7.  The  antifeJcralifis  difembarrafs  themfelvesof  an  insignificant  de- 
nomination, and  take  that  of  patriots  and  republicans.  Their  adverfa- 
ries  become  ariftocrats,  notvvithftanding  their  efforts  to  preferve  the  ad» 
vaatage.ous  illufion  of  ancient  names  j  opinions  c3a(h»  and  p  re  fs  each  o- 
tlier  ;  the  ariftocranc  attemptsj  which  formerly  had  appeared  fo  iniigni- 
iicant,  are  recollecled :  The  treafurer,  who  is  looked  upon  as  their  firfl 
fource,  is  attacked  ;  his  operations  and  plans  are  denounced  to  the  pub- 
lic opinion  j  nay*  in  the  fefiions  of  1792  and  1793*  a  folernn  inquiry  in- 
to, his  adminiilration  was  obtained*  This  firll  vidory  was  to  produce 
another,  and  it  was  hoped  that,  faulty  or  innocent,  the  treafurer  would 
retire,  no  iefh  by  neceffity  in  the  ane  cafe,  tiian  from  felf  love  in  the  o- 
ther.'  He,  emboldened  by  the  triumph  which  lie  obtained  in  the  ufelefs 
:nuuiry  of  his  enemies,  of  which  both  objedls  proved  equally  abortive, 
fed'uced  befides  by  the  momentary  revcrfe  of  republicanifm  in  Kurcpe> 
removes  the  maik  and  announces  the  approaching  triumph  of  his  princi- 
ples/* 


The  intire  complexion  of  this  paragraph  makes  it  Ib  pe- 
culiarly Mr.  Fauchec's  own  (peculation,  that  it  is  almoft 
ufelefs  to  declare,  that  I  never  heard  or  believed,  that 
the  inquiry  into  the  conducl  of  Mr.  Hamilton  was  to  drive 
him  from  office,  whether  he  were  guilty  or  innocent. 

The  eighth  paragraph. 

"  8.  In  the  mean  time  the  popular  focieties  are  formed  ;  political  ideas 
concenter  themfelves,  the  patriotic  party  unite  and  more  clofcly  conned 
themfelves  ;  they  gain  a  formidable  majority  in  the  legiflature  ;  the  abafe- 
ment  of  commerce,  the  flavery  of  navigation,  and  the  Audacity  of  Eng- 
land itrengthen  it.  A  concert  of  declarations  and  cenfures  againft  the 
government  arifes ;  at  which  the  latter  is  even  itfelf  aftonilhed." 

From  what  fource  Mr.  Fauchet  collected  the  fuppoied 
aftonHhment  of  the  government  *t  the  concert  of  decla- 
rations and  cenfures,  I  cannot  trace  ;  unlefs  he  imagined 
that  the  attacks  upon  the  Popular  Societies,  in  the  year 
1793, which  wereunderftood  to  proceed  from  officers  then 
in  theadminiftration,  were  agreeable  to  the  wiihes  of  fome 
branch  of  the  government. 

*The  ninth)  tenth,  and  eleventh  paragraph*. 

"  9.  Such  was  the  fituaticn  of  things  towards  the  clofe  of  the  laft  and 
at  the  beginning  of  the  preient  year.  Let  us  pais  over  the  difcontents 
which  were  molt  generally  exprefTed  in  thefe  critical  moments.  They  have 
been  fent  to  you  at  different  periods,  and  in  detail.  In  every  quarter 
are  arraigned  the  imbecility  of  the  government  towards  Great  Britain, 
the  defencelefs  ftate  of  the  country  againft  poifible  invaficn,  the  coldnefs 
towards  the  French  Republic  :  the  fyitem  of  finance  is  attacked,  which 
threatens  eterrfiiing  the  debt  under  pretext  of  making  it  the  guaranty  of 
public  happinefs;  the  complication  of  that  fyftem  which  withholds  from 
general  infpeftion  all  its  operations, — the  alarming  power  of  the  influence 
it  procures  to  a  man  whofe  principles  are  regarded  as  dangerous, — the 
preponderance  which  that  man  acquires  from  day  to  day  in  public  mea- 
fures,  and  in  a  word  the  immoral  and  impolitic  modes  of  taxation,  which 
he  at  firit  prefents  as  expedients,  and  afterwards  raifes  to  permanency. 

«  10.  In  touching  this  laft  point  we  attain  the  principal  complaint  ci~  the 
xveftern  people,  and  the  ofteniible  motive  of  their  movements.  Repub- 
licans by  principle,  independent  by  character  and  fituation,  they  could 
not  but  accede  with  enthufiafm  to  the  criminations  which  we  have  lketch~ 
ed.  But  the  txcife  above  ail  affects  them.  Their  lands  are  fertile,  watered 
with  the  lined  rivers  in  the  world  :  but  the  abundant  fruits  ct  rhcir  l:i- 
bour  run  the  rifk  of  periming  for  the  want  cf  ir.ear^  ot  cxchanp:^  rhe:r, 
us  thofe  more  happy  cuitirators  do  for  objefts  which  dtfire  indicates  to  all 
men  who  have  known  only  the  enjoyments  which  Europe  procures  :be;c. 
They  therefore  convert  the  excefs  of  their  produce  into  liquors  imrer- 


[     68     ] 

feclly  fabricated,  which  badly  fupply  the  place  of  thofe  they  might  pro- 
cure  by  exchange.  The  excifs  is  created  and  {hikes  at  this  confoling 
transformation;  their  com])lainrs  are  anfwered  by  the  only  pretext  that 
they  arcotherwifc  inacceflible  to  every  fpecies  of  impoil.  But  why,  in 
contempt  of  treaties,  are  they  left  to  bear  the  yoke  of  the  feeble  Spa- 
niard, as  to  the  ?vlli'i!iftppi»  for  upwards  of  twelve  yeirs?  Since  when  ».;as 
an  agricultural  people  fubmitted  to  the  ur.juft  capricious  law  of  a  people 
explorers  of  the  precious  metals?  Might  we  net  fuppofe  that  Madrid  arid 
Philadelphia  mutually  affifted  in  prolonging  the  flavery  of  the  ri\er;  that 
the  proprietors  of  a  barren  coalt  are  afraid  left  the  Mifiiffippi,  once  open- 
ed, and  its  numerous  branches  brought  into  adivity,  their  fields  might 
become  deierts,  and  in  a  word  that  commerce  dreads  having  rivals  in 
thole  interior  parts  as  foon  as  their  inhabitants  (hall  ceafe  to  be  fubjeds  ? 
This  laft  fuppohtion  is  but  too  well  iounded;  an  influential  member  of 
the  Senate,  Mr.  Ia;ard,  one  day  in  converfation  undifguifedly  anncur.ced 
it  to  me." 

"  ii.  I  (hail  be  more  brief  in  my  observations  on  the  murmurs  excited 
by  the  fyilem  for  the  fale  ot  lands.  It  is  conceived  to  be  injuit  that  thefe 
vail  and  fertile  legions  fhould  be  fold  by  provinces  to  capitalifts,  who  thus 
enrich  themfelves,  and  retail,  with  immenfe  profits,  to  the  hu&andmen, 
poffefiions  which  they  have  never  feen.  If  there  were  not  a  latent  defign 
to  arreft  the  rapid  fettlement  of  thofe  lands  and  to  prolong  their  infant 
llate,  why  not  open  in  the  weft  land  offices,  where  every  body  without 
dirtinftion,  (houid  be  admitted  to  purchafe  by  a  fmall  or  large  quantity  ? 
Why  referve  to  fell  or  diiiribute  to  favourites,  to  a  clan  of  flatterers, 
of  courtiers,  that  which  belongs  to  the  date,  and  which  ftiould  be  fold  to 
the  grcatclt  po^ble  profit  of  all  its  members  :" 

Thefe  paragraphs  contain  nothing,  which  requires  an 
•*ni*.ver  irom  me. 


twelfth  paragraph, 
,.  Such  therefore  were  the  parts  of  the  public  grievance,  upon 


pnn 

ciple,  or  by  a  feries  of  particular  heart-hurr.ir.gs,  animated  difcontents 
already  too  near  to  efF^rvefcenpe.  At  laft  the  local  explofion  is  efF-cted. 
The  wedcrn  pcoj-,!e  c.ilculated  on  being  fupported  by  ibme  diilin'^uifiied 
character  •>  in  the  c;il;,  anci  even  i:  ,  hey  had  in  the  bofom'of  the 

government  £>:i>v:  «bftcors>  who  night  mure  in  their  grievances  or  their 
princij 


Let  him  dcp  lonvard,  who  c;m    prove  by  :-  Ungle  f^cl, 
that  any  couiucnanjewas  given  by  me  to  the  iniurreciicn. 


The  thirteenth  pbragrapfa 

i  ;•  above,  thoil-  i»C!>   I 

^"1793  and  1794  i'ii-'l   given  ii 


[     69     ] 

tancc  to  the  republican  party,  and  folidity  to  its  accdations.  The.pro- 
pofwions  of  Mr.  Madifon,  or  his  project  of  a  navigation  ad,  of  which 
Mr.  JerFer'.bn  was  origi-.^lly  the  author,  Tapped  the  Britifti  intereft,  now 
zmintegrd  p^rt  of  the  financiering  fyitem.  Mr.  Taylor,  a  republican 
member  of  the  Senate,  pabliihed  towards  the  end  of  the  feffion,  three 
pamphlets,  in  which  this  laft  is  explored  to  its  origin,  and  developed  in 
its  progrefs  and  consequences  with  force  and  method.  In  the  Iaft  he  af- 
ferts  that  the  decrepid  ilate  of  affairs  refulting  from  that  fyltem,  could 
not  but  prefage,  under  a  rifing  government,  cither  a  revolution  or  a  ci- 
vil war. 

This  paragraph  is  only  a  brief  narrative  of  fome  pro- 
ceedings in  Congrefs,  and  of  three  pamphlets  which  were 
publifhed. 

The  fourteenth  paragraph. 

*'  14.  The  firft  was  preparing  :  the  government,  which  had  forefeenit, 
reproduced,  under  various  forms,  the  demand  of  a  difpofable*  force  which 
icight  put  it  in  a  refpedtable  ftate  of  defence.  Defeated  in  this  meafure, 
who  can  aver  that  it  may  not  have  battened  the  local  eruption,  in  order 
to  make  an  advantageous  diverfion,  and  to  lay  the  more  general  ftorm 
which  it  faw  gathering  ?  Am  1  not  authorized  in  forming  this  conjecture 
from  the  convcrfation  which  the  Secretary  of  State  had  with  me  and  Le 
Blanc,  alone,  an  account  of  which  you  have  in  my  difpatch,  No.  3  ?  But 
how  may  we  expect  that  this  new  plan  will  be  executed  ?  By  exafpera- 
ting  and  fevere  meafures,  authorifed  by  a  law  which  was  not  folicited  till 
the  clofe  of  the  fefiion.  This  law  gave  to  the  one  already  exifting  foj-  col- 
lecting the  excife  a  coercive  force  which  hitherto  it  had  not  poffelTed,  and 
a  demand  of  which  was  not  before  ventured  to  be  madet.  By  means  of 
tius  new  law  all  the  refractory  citizens  to  the  old  one.  were  caufed  to  be 
purfued  with  a  fudden  rigor;  a  great  number  of  writs  were  iffued ;  doubt- 
lefs  the  natural  confequences  from  a  conduct  fo  decifive  and  fo  harfli  were 
expected  ;  and  before  thefe  were  manifefted  the  means  of  repreffion  had 
been  prepared;  this  was  undoubtedly  what  Mr.  Randolph  meant  in  tel- 
ling me  that  under  pretext  of  giving  energy  to  tke  government  it  tuas  inten- 
ded to  introduce  abjolute  power,  and  to  mijlead  the  Prejldcnt  in  paths  which 
'WOU/d  conduft  him  to  unpopularity. 

To  the  reflection,  that  "  a  revolution  was  preparing  ; 
and  that  the  government,which  had  forefeen  it,  reproduc- 
ed, under  various  forms,  the  demand  of  a  difpofable 
force,  which  might  put  it  in  a  refpectable  ftate  of 
defence,''  Mr.  Fauchet  was  not  conducted  by  any  in- 
•oiiTiation  from  me.  The  firft  part  of  it  originated  with 
hirnfelf:  For  the  latter  whether  it  was  right  or  wrong, 
.vas  probably  indebted  to  the  journals  of -the  two 

ible. 

?r.:d  in  th?  comment  upon  the  la\vsof  the  Iaft  faflion  inclofrd 
•    "'•c.  .  :  m^xlf.er. 

K 


[      70      1 

houies  of  congrefs,  to  their  debates,  as  publiflied  in  the 
newfpapers,  and  to  public  conversations.  From  iome  or 
all  of  tbefe  it  appeared,  that  on  the  nth  of  December, 

1793,  a  bill  was  ordered  into  the  houfe   of  repreienta- 
tives  for  completing  the  military   eftablHhment :  that  on 
the  3 lit  of  January  1794,  it  was  rejected  by  the  fenate  : 
that  on  the  2oth  of  March  1794,  the  fame  bill  was  reviv- 
ed in  that  houfe  under  a  new  title  :  tha:  on  the  6th  of  May 

1794,  this  bill    was    alib  loft  by  a  difagreement   between 
the  two  houfes  :  that  on  the  I2th  of  March  1794,  a  mo- 
tion had  been  made  in-  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives  to  in- 
creafe   the  then  military   eftablifhment  of  five  thoufand 
men  by  an  addition  of  fifteen  regiments  of  one  thoufand 
men  each  :   that   on    the  firft    of  April    1794,  a  bill  was 
brought  in  to  increafe  the  military  eftablimrnent   by  ad- 
ding twenty- five  thoufand  initead  of  the  fifteen  thoufand 
men;  that  on  the  igth  of  May  1794,   this  bill  was  dif- 
cufred,  and  the  twenty-five  thoufand  men    being  ftruck 
out,  a  motion  was  made  for  fifteen  thoufand,  which  being 
loft,  another   motion  was  made  for  ten  thoufand  ;  which 
being  alfo  loft,  the  bill  itfel£  was  totally  rejected  :  that  on 
the  24th  of  May  1794,  a  committee  was  appointed  in  the 
fenate  to  report  further  meaftires  for  the  defence   of  the 
United  States :  that  on  the  26th  of  May  1794,  that  com- 
mittee reported  an  increafe  of  ten  thoufand  men   to  the 
military  eftablifhment :   that  on  the  3oth  of  May    1794, 
the  bill  which  had  palled  the  feL-ate  for  that  increafe  was 
rejected  by  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives :  that  a  bill  for 
the  defence  of  the  South  \\  eftern  frontier,  by  pofts  to  be 
garrifoned  with  militia,  and  by  patroles,  or  fcouting  par- 
ties of  militia,  pafled  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives  on  the 
2gth  of  May  1794;  that  the  fenate  changed  this  bill  en- 
tirely by  an  amu  ndment  for  raifing  and  adding  a  new  le- 
gion of  twelve  hundred  men,  with  the  bounty  of  twenty 
dollars  for  each  recruit :  that  on  the   8th  of  June  1794, 
the  bill  and  amendment  were  entirely  loft  ;  that  on   the 
very  laft  day  of  the  feffion,  the  gth  of  fune  1794,  a  bill 
was  brought  into  the  fenate  "   to  authorife  the  Prefident 
in  cafe  he  (hould   not  deem   it   expedient  to  employ  any 
part  of  the  then  military  eftablifhment  in  the  defence  of 


[     71     ] 

the  fouth-weftern  frontier,  to  raife,  equip,  and  officer  a 
new  legion  of  twelve  hundred  men  for  that  pur  pole ;  to 
be  raifed  for  three  years,  at  the  fame  pay  and  emoluments 
of  the  other  troops,  but  with  the  bounty  of  twenty  dol- 
lars to  each  recruit ;"  that  this  bill  was  read  twice  in  the 
oenate  ;  but  on  the  quell  ion  for  its  third  and  iart  reading, 
one  of  the  members  enforced  the  rule,  that  "  no  bill 
{hall  re  read  three  times  in  the  fame  day  without  unani- 
mous confent ;"  and  by  his  veto  the  bill  was  defeated.  I 
fhall  give  no  opinion  upon  thefe  proceedings  ;  nor  yet 
upon  any  meiTages  from  the  executive,  which  might  have 
fuggefled  fome  of  them.  But  I  have  been  thus  particu- 
lar; to  evince  that  Mr.  Fauchet  did  not  ftand  in  need 
of  confefjlons  from  any  public  officer. 

Air.  Fauchet  then  aiks,  if  he  be  not  authorized  by  the 
converfat'on  with  me,  mentioned  in  his  difpatch  No.  3, 
to  conjefture,  that  the  government,  defeated  in  the  de- 
mand of  a  difpofable  force,  haftened  the  local  eruption, 
in  order  to  make  an  advantageous  diverfion,  and  to  lay 
the  more  general  ftorrn,  which  it  faw  gathering?  I  de- 
ny, that  he  ever  was  authorized  by  any  conversation  what- 
foever  with  me,  to  form  even  a  conj-  Ritre  of  that  kind  ; 
and  with  equal  pofitivenefs  I  aifo  deny,  every  other  con- 
clufton,  which  he  makes  in  this  paragraph. 

It  is  of  no  i'mall  weight  to  bear  in  mind,  that  the  date 
of  the  converfacion  is  fixed  bv  Mr.  Fauchet's  certificate  to 
have  been  in  April  1  794.  I  recoiled  to  have  had  one  with 
Mr.  Fauchet  and  Mr.  Le  Blanc,  about  that  time,  on  public 
matters,  in  which  the  French  Republic  was  intereit- 
ed.  But  how  was  it  poffible  for  me  to  infer  from  any 
ads  of  the  government,  known  to  me,  that  it  was  haften- 
ing  the  local  eruption  ?  With  the  excife,  the  department 
of  {late  was  not  concerned  :  it  belonged  to  the  trea- 
fury-department,  and  was  there  managed,  I  believe,  e- 
ven  to  the  inftruclions  for  the  ilTuing  of  procefs.  It  was 
in  April -1794  underftood  by  me  to  remain  oa  its  old 
footing,  without  any  frefh  irritation.  As  the  law,  to 
which  Mr.  Fauchet  refers,  did  not  pafs  until  the  5th  of 
June  1794,  and  he  wrote  his  letter  on  the  311!  of  Octo- 
ber following,  you  will  perceive,  that  he  blends  ewo  dif- 


t  72  ] 

ferent  dates  together,  for  he  deduces  from  a  converfation 
in  April,  that  means  of  coercion  were  provided  before- 
hand, when  thofe  very  fuppofed  means  were  provided, 
according  to  his  own  account,  only  by  the  law,  which 
is  found  to  have  paffed  two  months  afterwards.  If  ex- 
afperating  and  fevere  meafures  were  contemplated  in 
April,  to  be  enforced  by  a  then  future  law,  I  was  an  ut- 
ter firanger  to  them.  Befides,  Mr.  Fauchet  does  not  feem 
to  have  had  the  difpatch  No.  3  before  him,  when  he  wrote 
in  October ;  as  in  the  concluding  fentence  of  the  para- 
graph he  gives,  what  he  deems  to  be  the  fynonymous 
meaning,  not  the  words  thernfelves  ;  nor  yet  an  accurate 
view  of  the  converfatirn.  But  if  the  very  words  had  been 
as  unqualified,  as  he  Rates,  they  would  not  warrant  his 
conclufion'';  efpecially,  when  at  the  beginning  of  the 
next  paragraph  he  doubts,  whether  the  commotion  was 
provoked  by  the  government,  or  produced  by  chance. 

Before,  however,  I  examine  the  difpatch  No.  3,  let 
me  concenter  the  adual  flate  of  things  in  April  1794; 
in  order  that  I  may  compafs  the  general  fcope  of  the  con- 
verfation, and  thus  contribute  to  explain  it. 

Notwithilanding  Mr.  Fauchet  was  fent  to  replace  Mr. 
Genet,  he  {hews  in  this  very  letter,  No.  lo,  that  his 
communications  were  links  of  the  chain  of  intelligence, 
which  had  been  carried  on  by  his  predeceffors.  Having 
incorporated  into  his  own  family  the  members  of  Mr. 
Genet's ;  and  hearing  of  a  particular  attention,  which  was 
paid  to  all  the  applications  from  the  Britifh  minifter,  he 
entered  into  his  diplomatic  career,  with  uncertainties, 
and  unpleafant  fenfaticns  towards  our  government.  You 
were  aware  of  this  danger ;  for  when  he  was  introduced 
to  you  on  the  22d  of  February  1794,  you  poured  forth 
the  ftrongeft  language  of  affection  to  the  French  caufe. 
France  was  then  flufhed  with  victory.  An  obnoxious 
minifter  had  been  recalled  at  your  inftance.  You  expec- 
ted a  war  with  Great  Britain.  In  fhort  you  declared  to  me, 
that  the  French  government  muft  be  cultivated  with  afli- 
duity  and  warmth.  In  fpite  of  all  my  efforts  to  purfue 
your  wi{hes,  I  difcovered  in  a  few  weeks,  that  fufpicions 
were  lurking  in  his  bofom.  1.  His  manner  indicated, 


[,     73     1 

thnt  he  doubted  the  lincerity  cf  your   proteftions  in  fa 
voun  of  his  country,  and  was  anxious  to  determine,  how 
far  vou  were  republican. — ^  It  ctted  in  his  judg- 

ment, that  fome  very  influential  gentlemen  around  you, 
were,  and  had  exprefled  thernfelves  to  be,  hcftile  to 'its 
caufe. — 3.  He  believed,  .that  extreme  rigour  had  been 
praclifed  upon  French  cruizers  and  French  prizes,  un- 
der iniiructions  from  the  treafury-departmenr ;  and  that 
great  indulgence  had  been  allowed  to  Britifh  ihips. — 
4.  He  believed,  that  in  "your  very  cabinet,  fnares  were 
laid  to  detach  you  from  France,  and  to  ally  the  United 
Scales  to  Great  Britain. — 5.  He  believed,  that  the  go- 
vernment had  its  myfteries,  which  led  to  the  holding  of  a 
fair  language  to  France,  and  to  the  fubfrantial  e&ixgwhh 
partiality  lor  Great  Britain ;  or  (to  ufe  an  expreffion  in  one 
of  his  letters)  that  the  federal  officers  were  all  fire  to  do, 
whatihould  be  pleafmg  to  England  ;  and  all  i.e  to  France. 
— 6.  He  had  heard  the  charges  i  difjourf- 

es,  that  feme  members  of  the  government  coniidered  our 
conftitution,  as  a  mere  ftepping  iione  to  fonae thing  eife  ; 
not  lefs  than  a  monarchy,  which  might  not  be  fo  friendly 
to  a  French  Republic,  as  an  American  Republic*. — 7.  He 
believed,  that  he  faw  in  a  bill,  depending  before  Congrefs, 
an  inftrurnent  for  this  purpoie,  and  for  the  risrrafling  of 
the  French  caufe. — 8.  He  believed,  that  the  airairs  of 
France  and  the  fpirit  of  the  American  ,  v:ere  mif- 


*  Extract  from  the  inftruftions  to  Col.  Monroe,  .vent  to  France 

as  Minifter  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  Stare:; ;  which  were  approv- 
ed by  the  Preiident. 

"  If  we  may  judge  from  what  hcs  br.  feat  tjrces  utter 

"  Mr.  Faucher,  he  will  reprefent  tLe  exhlf  nee  cf  t\v  o  parties  here,  ir- 
"  reconcileable   to   each  other  ; — one  republican,    :  ly  to  the 

"  French    revolution;    the   other  monarchical,   ^'iitrcratic,   lirii.'-niJc, 
««  and  anti-Gallican  :  that  a  majority  of  t!  -prefentan 

ts  the  people,  and  the  Prefident  ^re  in  the  iirit  clafs;  and  a  majority  or" 
tf  the  Senate  in  the  fecond.     If  this  intelligence  .  •  ufed,  in  order 

"  to  infpire  a  diftruft  cf  oar  good-will  to  F  -iftricufly 

»•  obviate  fuch  an  effect,"  &x. 


[     74     ] 

reprefented  to  you,  and  diflorted. — 9.  He  wavered,  as 
to  your  perfeverance  in  a  refentment  of  the  Britifh  out- 
rages.— 10.  He  was  alarmed  at  the  projected  million  of 
Mr.  Jay. — And  11.  He  diilantly,  though  delicately  hint- 
ed a  fear,  left  the  political  divifions  in  the  United  States 
might  weaken  the  government,  and  excite  a  considerable 
conflict. — For  ideas  like  thefe,  he  wanted  no  aid  from  a 
fecretary  of  ffate.  Public  rumour  was  a  fruitful  nurfery. 
If  I  have  not  occasionally  intimated  thefe  things  to  you, 
none  have  been  defignedly  concealed  from  you. — Many 
of  them  you  have  undoubtedly  received  from  my  mouth. 

Silence  was  not  my  courfe.  It  was  pre-eminently  n  y 
duty,  in  April  1794,  not  to  fuller  France,  to  whom  we 
owed  fo  much,  to  be  in  fufpence  as  to  our  predilection 
for  Great  Britain,  from  whom  we  had  experienced,  and 
were  experiencing,  every  oppreilion. 

In  choofing  my  meafures,  I  had  a  fafe  clue  in  the  po- 
fition  of  affairs,  as  leen  and  felt  by  ycurfelf. — 1.  Your 
meflage  to  Congrefs,  on  the  ^th  of  December  1793,  an- 
nounces an  unfriendly  temper  to  Great  Britain. — 2.  Your 
nomination  of  Mr.  Jay  implies  it  in  itfelf — vou  always  pro- 
feffed — and  your  letter  to  me  on  the  15th  of  April  1794 
proves,  that  if  Great  Britain  did  not  redrrfs  our  com- 
plaints in  a  reasonable  time,  war  was  in  your  opinion  to 
be  the  c/Dnfequence.  That  letter  thus  expreffes  your  fen- 
timents  upon  the  draught  of  the  meilage,  nominating 
Mr.  Jay:  "  My  objects  are  to  prevent  a  war,  j/*juftice 
can  be  obtained  by  fair  and  llrong  reprefentations  (to  be 
made  by  a  fpecial  envoy)  of  the  injuries,  which  this  coun- 
try has  fufiained  from  Great  Britain,  in  various  ways  : — 
to  put  it  in  a  complete  flate  of  military  defence — and  to 
provide  eventually  fuch  meafutes,  as  ieem  to  be  now 
pending  in  Congrefs,  for  execution,  if  negociation  in  a 
reafonable  time  proves  unfuccefsful." — 3.  Your  inftruc- 
tions  to  Mr.  Jay  had  reference  to  an  alliance  with  Ruf- 
fia,  Demnark,  and  Sweden,  againft  Great  Britain,  if  our 
differences  with  her  (hould  not  be  adjufted. — 4  Your  in- 
flruclions  to  Col.  Monroe,  which  were  fketched  about 
-Jiis  time,  to  be  ready  for  any  perfon,  who  fhould  be  ap- 
pointed, command  him,  to  ct  let  it  be  leen,  that  in 


t     75    ] 

« 

cafe  of  war  with  any  nation  upon  earth"  (an  expref- 
iion  absolutely  aimed  at  Great  Britain)  "  we  ii.aii 
coniidei  Fiance  as  our  firft  and  natural  aLy."  In  thefe 
instructions  are  many  other  fervent  profeiiions  to  France. 
— 5.  The  plundering  under  the  Britjfh  infhuclicns  of  the 
6in  of  November  179 ?,  and  the  ftirring  ip  of  the  Indi- 
ans had  drawn  forth  in  the  houfe  of  repielentatives  va- 
rious proportions  of  repnfai. — 6.  That  houfe  \\as  indif- 
putal'iy  attached  to  France. — 7.  Your  orders ;  your  let- 
ters ;  your  Speeches  ;  breathed  enmity  to  Great  Britain  and 
ariectiontp  Fiance.  You  even  excluded  from  your  pub- 
lic room,  men  who  were  obnoxious  to  France. 

By  thefe  tVfts,  my    con  duel    towards  Mr.  Fauchet  was 
gu.ded. —  i.  I  urged  upon  him  your  declaration  at  his  re- 
ception, that  you  were  a  friend  to  the  caufe  of  the  French 
people;  and,  as    he  expretfes  it    in  his    letter    No.  lo, 
"  truly  virtuous,   and  the  friend  of  your  fellow-citizens 
and  of  principles." — 2.   I  bade  him  to  rely  on  YOU  ;  to 
difregard  the  iuggeitiens  of  your  being  influenced  by  any 
Jubordinate  minijlers   againft    France;  and   to  apprehend 
nothing  from  /^#/,whiie  you  were  fledfaft. — 3.  I  exerted 
my  1  elf  to  fatisfy  him,  that  he  complained  without  reafon 
of  feverity  upon  the  French  crullers  ;  and  the  fame  ar- 
guments have  been  lince  extended  in  letters  approved  by 
you. — 4.   I  reprefented  to  him,   that,  if  fnares  were  laid 
for  you,  you  would  efcape  from  them  ;  and  more  parti- 
cularly if  their  object  was  the    abandonment  of  France, 
and  an  adherence    to    Great  Britain :  that  although  like 
other  men,  who  do  not  mix  with  the  world,  }ou  might  be 
fometimes  milled,  your  induftry  and  difcernment  would 
protect  you  /rom  traps. — 5.  I  denied,  that  the  actions  and 
profeflions  of  our  government  in  regard  to  France  were  at 
variance ;  and  I  have  often  denied  it  in  writing.- — 6.  As  to 
the  converiion  of  our  government  into   a  monarchy,  I 
ftated,  that  this  would  not  be  done  with  your  aflent.    For 
while  you  were  delirous  of  rendering  it  liable  only  and 
energetic  ;  I  did  not  undertake  to  aniwer  for  the  views  of 
every  man,  who,  under  this  pretence,  might  be  willing 
to  fnatch  fomething  more ;  but  I  was  confident,  that  you 
would  not  thus  commit    your  popularity. — 7.   It  mult,  I 


[  :$  J 

think,  have  been  fubie^uent  to  the  time  of  the 
ticn,  alinc'ed  to  in  No.  3,  that  I  commented  upon  the  bill 
vvhichfeei.  t  him  ib  deeply  ;  and  that  I  allured 

him,  that  from  your  yielding  to  the  remarks  which  I  made 
to  vou  upon  it,  he  bad  an  abfoiute  fecurity  again  11  the  a- 
buie  of  the  po\vers  confided  to,  you. — 3.  I  had  no  data, 
uocn  which  to  contradict:  his  opinion,  that  the  affairs  of 
France,  and  the  ipirit  of  the  American  people  might 
have  been  disfigured  .  to  you.  But  you  will  do  me,  the 
juftice  to  acknowledge,  that  when  I  ipcke  to  you  of  the 
one  or  the  other,  1  difguifed  from  you  no  truth,  howfoe- 
ver  unpalatable.  r«nd  I  was  always  tree  to  declare  in  your 
prefence,  thacl  never  would. — 9.  I  did  not  difguife  my 
perfusfion  that  nothing  fhort  of  the  moft  ample  reftitu- 
tion  and  compeniation  would  atone  with  you  lor  the  out- 
rages of  Great  Britain.  This  was  a  juftifiable  expedient 
for  calming  Mr.  Fauchet's  fears  on  the  million  of  Mr. 
Jsy. — lo.  In  rny  endeavours  to  refute  his  eftimate  of  the 
prevailing  political  diviiions ;  I  certainly  did  place  much 
of  my  hope.cn  you.  Having  often  without  referve  told 
you,  that. as  long  as  you  were  fuperior  to  party,  party 
would  be  impotent,  and  unable  to  perpetrate  mifchief,  J 
have  very  probably  uttered  an  expectation  of  acquiring 
h  you  influence  enough,  to  prevail  on  you  to  Hep  forth 
in  opposition  to  any  let  of  men,  who  fhoukl  feek  to  ag- 
grandize themiclves  r.t  the  cxpcnee  of  the  conftitution,  or 
of  the.  people. 

If  in  r.ll  this  I  have  erred,  it  is  mere  error ; — but  the 
error  is  not  mine.  It  was  derived  from  the  fpirit  of  your 
own  movements,  and  our  political  profpeds  in  April 
1 794.  But  it  was  not  an  error.  It  was  a  found  and  ho- 
neir  policy  :  it  was  an  in difperi fable  one  for  maintaining 
harm  or.  France  :  it  was  rendered  indifpenfable  by 

the  criiis,  which  had.  been  forced  upon  Mr.  Fauchet's 
mind,  from  the  conviction,  that  artifice  and  hoftility  to 
republicanifm  vve-e  tearing  the  United  States  afunder 
from  France.  It  was  the  policy  of  the  people  of  the  Uni- 
ted States.  Kad  the  threatened  .war  .with  Great  Britain 
been  realized  ;  then  this  policy  would  have  ihone  forth 
with  lull  re  :  then  would  the  reverfe  have  been  warmly 


[     77     J 

reprehended.  Had  it  not  been  obferved  ;  you  would 
probably  have  long  ago  heard  from  France,  murmurs 
which  it  might  have  been  difficult  to  appeafe. 

The  foregoing  cbfervations  have  anticipated  much  of 
the  attention  due  to  the  difpatch,  No.  3.  But  it  is  pro- 
per to  fubjom  a  few  more  particular  remarks ;  because  it 
is  not  a  correct  iiatement  of  the  convcrfaticn  ;  and  is  evi- 
dently defective,  in  omitting  the  part  which  Mr.  Fauchet 
himlelf  had  in  it,  and  in  not  exhibiting  what  I  fa-d  as  it  re- 
ally was, — an  anfwer  to  the  objections,  advanced  by  him. 
His  certificate  too,  although  it  cannot  fail  to  be  fatisfacto- 
ry  to  the  people. of  the  United  States,  has  been  lefs  expli- 
cit, than  it  would  have  been,  had  it  been  in  my  power  to 
have  interrogated  him  upon  its  feveral  parts,  alter  it  was 
compofed. 

That  I  was  always  deeply  affected  by  the  very  poffibili- 
ty  of  a  conflict  between  the  parties  in  the"  United  States, 
my  letter  to  you  in  June  1792,  and  my  conftant  declara- 
tions to  you  are  a  decided  teftimony.  That  intelligence 
of  the  exigence  of  party-bitternefs  came  to  Mr.  Fauchet 
through  other  channels,  than  myfelf,  is  notorious  to  thofe 
who  have  read  the  newfpapers.  Or,  if  it  were  neceffary 
to  demcnftrate  its  publicity,  I  might  quote  a  fentence  in 
a  paper,  written  at  the  beginning  of  the  year  1791,  for 
your  ufe,  and  approved  by  you.  "  It  is  certainly  much 
to  be  regretted,  that  party-diicriminations  are  fo  far  geo- 
.ical  as  they  are  ;  and  that  ideas  of  a  feverance  of  the 
union  are  creeping  in  both  north  and  fouth." 

Without  pretending  to  recollect  the  minutiae  of  the 
converfation,  I  avow,  that  I  did  hope  to  acquire  an  influ- 
ence every  day  on  your  mind  ;  and  I  will  unfold  the 
grounds  of  my  hope  ;  the  means  which  I  adopted  for  its 
accomplifhmeht ;  and  my  final  object. 

You  will  acknowledge,  Sir,  I  am  lure,  that  1  never  at- 
tempted to  depreciate  in  yourefteem  any  of  my  colleagues 
in  cilice  ;  nor  ever  to  magnify  or  blazon  any  merit  of  my 
own.  The  fpecies  of  influence  therefore,  to  which  I  di- 
rected my  labours,  was  not  that  of  railing  myfelf  oil 
Ins. 

Virginia  as  attorney-general  of  the  Uni- 


ted  States,  irrefiftibly  impelled  by  the  friendfhip  of  your 
invitation-  I  was  uihered  by  you  into  the  moil  confiden- 
tial bufinefs;  and,  I  believe,  without  the  privity  of  the 
heads  of  departments.  You  connected  me  with  you  ilill 
more  in  the  year  1793;  and  afterwards  preiTed  me  into 
another  office,  which  I  did  not  covet,  and  which  I  would 
not  have  accepted,  had  I  not  been  governed  by  my  af- 
fection for  you,  my  truft  in  your  republicanifm,  and  your 
apparent  fuperiority  to  the  artifices  of  my  enemies. 

Thefe  germs  of  confidence,  unequivocally  difclofed  by 
you,  I  did  indeed  cherifh.  But  how  ?  By  art  or  ma- 
nagement ?  No,  Sir.  By  telling  you  the  truth,  without 
hefitation;  without  a  momentary  acquiefcence  in  the  pre- 
judices of  any  man  ;  by  defending  your  character  with 
zeal ;  and  by  advifing  meafures,  which  fliculd  fpread  o- 
ver  the  Prefident  of  the  United  States,  the  glowing  co- 
lours, in  which  General  Wafhington  had  been  painted  to 
mankind. 

Nt)r  was  my  object  lefs  honourable  than  my  means.  You 
have  my  opinion  under  my  hand,  that  while  you  ihould 
be  untainted  by  the  iufpicion  of  being  a  favourer  of  par- 
ty, your  name  would  be  a  bulwark  againft  party-rage.  My 
hope  therefore  of  acquiring  influence  was  to  put  inteiline 
convuifion  at  defiance,  by  perfuadmg  you  to  abhor  party. 
You  cannot  believe,  that  I  ever  maneuvered  with  you  for 
any  emolument  to  myfelf :  nor  that  I  was  an  advocate  for 
France,  but  by  plain  dealing  and  franknefs,  which  her 
enemies  might  curfe,  but  couid  not  criticize. 

Left  the  trifling  circumftance  of  vifiting  you  fhould  be 
wrought  up  by  the  malignant  into  a  fcheme  of  fedudion; 
the  admonition,  which  Mr.  Fauchet  afcribes  to  me,  mull 
not  pafs  without  a  comment.  As  an  artifice,  it  is  too 
paltry  to  be  dwelt  upon.  This  probably  was  the  truth  of 
the  cafe.  It  is  a  tribute  of  refped  from  foreign  minifters 
to  our  chief  magiilrate,  to  wait  on  him  at  proper  intervals. 
Mr.  Fauchet  was  anxious  to  learn,  how  private  vifits  were 
to  be  regulated.  I  could  not  forget,  how  much  his  pre- 
deceffor  had  abfented  himfelf  from  you,  even  before  the 
rupture;  and  I  probably  recommended  to  him  to  per- 
form this  official  civility  ;  with  the  additional  aiiurance, 


[     79     1 

that  he  would  be  received  in  an  eafy  ftyle,  whenfoever 
he  (hould  be  diipofed  to  a  private  vilit.  Is  it  not  r.n  indi- 
cation of  a  propeniity  to  fweil  little  matters,  thus  to  in- 
terweave them  in  a  formal  political  difpatc 

In  wliatibever  ihape  the  drawing  the  bands  of  the  two 
nations  clofer  may  have  been  adviied,  I  remember  not. 
But  1  was  always  watchful  in  repelling  the  imputation  of 
neglect  to  embrace  the  overtures  of  a  commercial  trea- 
ty. It  was  natural  for  me,  at  the  junclure  of  Mr.  Jay's 
n,  to  erface  every  idea  of  an  indiiierence  to  an  im- 
proved commercial  connection  with  France.  In  a  word, 
Sir,  when  you  com;  1  c.ctrs  own  admiilion, 

thai  I  refufed  fome  information,  as  being  contrary  to  my 
dutv  to  be  divulged,  and  that  lie  did  not  fulfil  a  promife, 
as  he  lays,  to  burn  a  particular  paper,  (which,  however, 
was  delivered  under  your  direction)  ;  the  difpatch  No. 
3,  is  fufficiently  confronted  by  his  certificate  or  my  own 
aifertion. 

The  fifteenth  and  jixieenth  paragraphs. 

"  i  5.  Whether  the  exploficn  has  been  provoked  by  the  government ; 
or  owes  its  birth  to  accident,  it  is  certain  that  a  commotion  of  fome  hun- 
dreds of  men,  who  have  not  fince  been  found  in  arms,  and  the  very  pa- 
cilic  union  of  the  counties  in  Braddock's  field,  a  union  which  has  net  been 
revived,  were  not  fymptoms  which  could  juftify  the  raifing  of  io  great 
a  force  as  i  ^,000  men.  Beiides  the  principles,  ottered  in  the  declarations 
hitherto  made  public,  rather  announced  ardent  minds  to  be  calmed  than 
anarchifts  to  be  fubdued.  But  in  order  to  obtain  fomething  on  the  pub- 
lic opinion  prepoiTelTed  againft  the  demands  contemplated  to  be  made,  it 
was  neceilary  to  magnify  the  danger,  to  disfigure  the  \  lews  of  t!vure  peo- 
ple, to  attribute  to  them  the  deiign  of  uniting  thetnfelves  with  England, 
to  alarm  the  citizens  for  the  fate  of  the  constitution,  whilft  in  reaL 
revolution  threatened  only  the  minifters.  This  Uep  fucceeded  ;  an  army 
is  raifed;  this  military  part  of  the  fuppreffion  is  doubtlefs  Mr.  Hamil- 
ton's, the  pacific  part  and  the  fending  oi'commiluoners  are  due  to  the  in- 
fluence of  Mr.  Randolph  over  the  mind  of  the  Prefiuent,  whom  I  delight 
always  to  believe,  and  whom  I  do  believe,  truly  virtuous,  and  the  friend 
of  his  fellow-citizens  and  principles, 

u  16.  In  the  mean  time,  although  there  was  a  certainty  of  having  an 
an  army,  yet  it  was  neceilary  to  affure  thernfelves  of  co-operators  among 
the  men  whofe  patriotic  reputation  might  influence  their  party,  and 
whofe  luke-warmnelsor  want  of  energy  in  the  exifling  conjunctures  might 
compromit  the  fuccefs  of  the  plans.  Of  all  the  governors,  whofe  duty  it 
was  to  appear  at  the  head  of  the  requifitions,  the  governor  of  Pennfyl- 
vania  alone  enjoyed  the  name  of  Republican  :  his  opinion  of  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treafury  and  of  his  fyftems  was  known  to  be  unfavourable. 


[      So      ] 

The  fecretary  of  this  (late  pofieffed  great  influence  in  the  Popular  Socie- 
ty of  Philadelphia,  which  in  its  turn  influenced  tticfe  of  other  ihires;  of 
courfe  he  merited  attention,  it  appears  therefore  that  thefe  men  with  o- 
thers  unknown  to  me,  all  having  without  doubt  Randolph  at  their  head, 
were  balancing  to  decide  on  their  parry.  Two  or  three  days  hri^rc  the 
proclamation  was  publifhed,  and  of  courfe  before  the  cabinet  had  reiolv- 
ed  on  its  meafures,  Mr*  Randolph  came  to  fee  me  with  an  air  of  great 
eagernefs,  and  made  to  me  the  overtures  of  which  I  have  given  you  an 
account  in  mv  No.  6.  Thus  with  fome  thoufands  of  dollars  the  Repub- 
lic could  have  Decided  on  civil  war  or  on  peace!  Thus  the  confciences 
of  the  pretended  patriots  of  America  have  already  their  prices*  !  It  is 
very  true  that  the  certainty  ot  thefe  conclufions,  painful  to  be  drawn, 
will  for  ever  exiit  in  our  archives !  What  will  be  the  old  age  of  this  go- 
vernmentt  it  it  is  thus  early  decrepid!  Such,  citizen,  is  the  evident  con- 
fequence  of  the  fyftsm  of  finances  conceived  by  Mr.  Hamilton.  He  has 
made  of  a  whole  nation,  a  flock -jobbing,  Speculating,  felf.lh  pecple. 
Riches  alone  here  fix  confideration  ;  and  as  no  one  likes  to  deipifvd,  they 
are  univerfally  fought  after.  Neverthelefs  this  depravity  has  not  yet  em- 
braced the  mafs  of  the  people;  the  erfecls  of  this  pernicious  f\  flein  have 
as  yet  but  {lightly  touched  them.  Stiil  there  are  patriots,  of  whom  I  de- 
light to  entertain  an  idea  worthy  of  that  impofing  title.  Confult  Mon- 
roe, he  is  of  this  number ;  he  had  apprifed  me  of  the  men  whom  the 
current  of  events  had  dragged  along  as  bodies  devoid  of  weight.  His 
friend  Madifon  is  alfo  an  honeft  man.  Jefferfon,  on  whom  the  patriots 
caft  their  eyes  to  fucceed  the  Prefidenf,  had  forefeen  thefe  crifes.  He 
prudently  retired  in  order  to  avoid  making  a  figure  againft  his  inclination 
in  fcenes,  the  fecret  of  which  will  fcon  or  late  be  brought  to  light." 

The  meeting  at  Bradclock's  field  was  announced  in  e- 
very  newfpaper  :  and  wore  too  formidable  an  afpect  to  be 
called  pacific.  When  it  was  determined  to  raife  an  ar- 
my, I  propofed  the  augmentation  from  12,500  to  15,000 
men  ;  hoping  that  the  unhappy  people  would  be  intimi- 
dated by  ib  large  a*  force,  and  the  introduction  of  a  corps 
of  riflemen  under  General  Morgan,  whofe  name  was  re- 
ported to  be  a  terror  to  them.  It  was  wife  to  overawe 
them ;  for  had  they,  in  forne  rafli  moment,  made  battle, 
allured  by  a  faife  comparison  of  their  ftrength  and  iitua- 
tion  with  the  power  which  was  marching  againft  them, 
{till  greater  bodies  of  troops  would  have  been  afTembled, 
and  war  would  have  raged  with  all  its  feverities. 

After  Mr.  Fauchet's  declaration,  that  he  does  not  fpeak 
from  me,  except  where  he  particularly  quotes  me,  it  will 
fcarcely  be  required  of  me  to  deny,  that  Mr,.  Hamilton's 

*kTarif. 


[     8!      ] 

ideas,  or  my  own,  in  consultation  wirh  von,  were  com-" 
municated  by  me  to  him  ;  or  yet,  that  the  gentlemen,  who 
were  to  appear  at  the  head  of  the  re  .  T  any 

others,  alibciated  in  the  popukr  ibciei  re  ever  na- 

med by  me  to  him,  in  reference  to  the  i  .  tic=n;    But 

I  do  deny  the  latter,  upon   [he  belief  my   reo^cclicn  ; 
and  upon  the  further  £..  that  I  b.  eit 

authority  for  io  naming  them.      I  alfo  deny  the  former  ; 
and  can  affirm,  that  it  was  a   f.  f  convt.  in 

Philadelphia,   but  not  through  my  means,   that   v.nr  ad- 
vifers  were  divided  in  opinion  as  to  the  irnir  ajarch- 

of  the  milii 

Howfoever  failiionable  it  may  have  beer,  for  officers  in 
the  federal  government  to  form  political  connections  with 
influential  perfons  in  the  Hate  government,  I  had  for  m- 
ed  none  fuch.  But  it  is  faid  in  Mr.  Fa-ichri's  letter,  that 
I  was  at  the  head  of  thofe,  who  Iv.lancrd  in 
on  the  part  to  be  taker. 


to  the  inhabitants  in  the  weftern  Counties  of  rorinfylvar;ia, 
I  could  have  few   perforal  regards  ;  and  I  will  net  wai 
time   in    proving,  what    vou  well  know,   t]  r   a'nj. 

good  government  have  been  always  near  to  my  hear:. 
Upon  what  then  ccuid  I  balance  ?  The  tenor  cf  rnv  opi- 
nions on  that  event  I  will  now  retrace. 

When  the   violence   at   Ccl.  Neville's    hcuic,   en  the 
17th  of  July,    1794,  and   the  comrac'::  i^raddcck's 

fi  Id  were  afcertained,  I  concurred  with  the  other  gen- 
tlemen of  the  adminiftration,  in  the  trealbnabienefs  cf 
thofe  ads,  and  in  the  n<  of  reforting  to  the  rniliL 

if  the    laws  were  inadequate.      Affidavits,  letters,  and  a    * 
variety  of  papers  were   laid  before  you,   to   efiabJifli  the 
exigence  of  an   infurredion  ;  and   aithov.gh  I  doubted, 
whether  a  judge   would,   upon  time,  and 

under  the  then  circumjlances  grant  a  c-t  :  of   inf- 

lection ;  yet  I  agreed,  that  thofe  documents  ought  to  be  \ 
iubmitted  to  judicial  cognizance.     At  a  conference,  held  : 
on  the  firft  Saturday  in  Auguft,    1794,  between  yourfelf 
and  Governor  Miffiin,  and  the  the  federal  and  ilate  offi- 
cers, it  was  obferved,  that  even  if  the  infurrcciion  were 
confined  to  the  four  wellern   counties  of  Pennfylvania, 


[     82     ] 

the  militia,  which  could   be  procured  from  thence,  at 
that  ftage  of  the  affair,  would  prooably  be  unequal  to  the 
tafk  of  fubduiug   the  infurrection  :   that   the   infurgents, 
being  upwards  of  lixty  thoufand  fouls,  had  friends   elfe- 
where  :   and   that  a  letter   had  been  received  from  Ken- 
tucky, giving  an   account  of  the  Britifh  government  fo- 
menting difturbr'iices  there. The  affidavit  of  a  perfon  from 
Pittfburg  was  read,  corroborating  the  fufplcions,  that  the 
Britim  were  abetting  the  infurgents.     Well  do  I  remem- 
ber my  remark  ;  that,  if  the  Britifhwere  at  the  bottom  of 
the  convulfion,  it  took  a  ferious  and  very  important  direc- 
tion;  fmce,  among  the  reaions  for  fufpending   the   fet- 
tlement   at  Prefqu'  ifle,  the    appreheniion   of  them  was 
one.      To  {hew  my  own   impreilicn  of  Britifh   interfer- 
ence in  the  weftern  troubles,  I  refer  to  the  following  paf- 
fage  in  my  letter  to   you  of  the  5th  of  Auguft,    1794. — • 
"  If  the  intelligence  of  the  overtures  of  the  Britifh  to  the 
weftern  counties  be  true,  and  the  inhabitants  {hould  be 
driven  to  accept  their  aid;  the  fupplies  of  the  weftern 
army — the  weilern   army  itfelf  may  be  deftroyed ;  the 
re-union  of  that  country  to  the  United  States  will  be  im- 
practicable ;   and  we  muft  be   engaged   in   a  Britiih  war. 
If  the   intelligence  be  probable  only  ;  how  difficult  will 
it  be  to  reconcile  the  world  to  believe,  that  we  have  been 
confident  in  our  conduct;  when,  after   running  the  ha- 
zard of  mortally  offending  the  French  by  the  punctilious 
obfervance  of  neutrality  ; — after  deprecating   the  wrath 
of  the  Englifh  by  every  pofiible  a<5l  of  government ;  after 
the  requeft  for  the  fufpenfion  of  the  fettlement  at  Prefqu' 
ifle,  which  has  in  fome  meafure  been  founded  on  the  pof- 
fibility  of  Great   Britain  being  roufed  to  arms  by  it ;  we 
purfue  meafures,  which  threaten  collifion  with  Great  Bri- 
tain, and  which  are  mixed  with  the  blood  of  our  fellow- 
citizens."     To  {hew,  that  the  governor  of  Pennfylvania 
thought  the  Britifh  movements  to  be  of  fome  weight,  I  refer 
to  this  expreffion  in  his  firft  letter  to  you. — "  Nor  in  this 
view  of  the  fubjefl  ought  we  to  omit  paying  fome  regard 
to  the  ground  for  fufpecling,  that  the  Britim  government 
has  already,  infidioufly  and  unjuftly  attempted  to  leduce 
the  citizens  on  our  weftern  frontier  from  their  duty ;  and 


[     83     ] 

we  know,  that  in  a  moment  of  defperation,  or  difguft, 
men  may  be  led  to  accept  that,  as  an  afyium,  which  un- 
der different  imprefTions,  they  would  (hun  as  a  fnare." 
To  {hew,  that  the  federal  commiflioners  deemed  the  re- 
port as  to  the  Britifh  worthy  of  inquiry;  and  that  they  were 
actually  inticing  our  citizens  for  one  purpofe  at  lead, 
I  refer  to  a  pafiage  in  Mr.  Bradford's  letter  on  the  lyih 
of  Auguft,  1794. — "  I  forgot  to  mention,  that  I  have 
not  been  able  to  difcover  any  inclination  in  the  infurgents 

to  avail  themfelves  of  Britim  protection  :  but  Mr.  • 

informs  me,  that  he  has  direct  intelligence,  that  about  the 
laft  of  July,  two  men  from  Detroit  appeared  in  Wafhing- 
ton  country,  to  get  an  affociation  to  go  and  fettle  lands  ai 
the  mouth  of  the  Cayahoga ;  and  that  at  the  time  his  in- 
formant faw  the  paper,  there  were  about  four  hundred  names 
fubfcribed.  He  believes,  they  are  at  prefent  on  the  wa- 
ters of  Buffaloe  Creek."  To  (hew  your  own  fenfe  of 
Britifh  interference  in  the  infurrection,  I  refer  to  an  ex- 
tract from  my  letter  to  Mr.  Jay,  on  the  i8th  of  Auguft, 
1794,  approved  by  yourfelf. — "  We  cannot  add  upon 
proof,  that  Britifh  influence  has  been  tampering  with  the 
people  of  Kentucky,  and  of  the  neighbourhood  of  Pittf- 
burg,  to  feduce  them  from  the  United  States,  or  to  en- 
courage them  in  a  revolt  againft  the  general  government. 
It  has  however  been  boafted  of  by  them,  and  an  expec- 
tation of  fuch  fupport  is  fufpected  to  have  been  excited 
in  the  breads  of  fome."  I  will  not  fay,  that  the  govern- 
ment did  wrong,  in  difcarding  all  fcruples  with  refpect 
to  Britifh  hoftility.  But  I  was  prompted  to  write  to  you 
my  letter  *  of  the  5th  of  Auguft  1794,  againft  the  imme- 
diate operation  of  the  militia,  by  this,  among  other  con- 
fiderations ;  that  I  heard  an  influential  member  of  your 
adminiftration  wifh,  that  the  people,  aflembled  at  Brad- 
dock's  field,  had  burnt  Pittfburg,  as  they  threatened ;  and 
I  was  appreheniive,  that  as  foon  as  the  firft  ftep  of  mili- 
tary force  was  taken,  you  might  be  pufhed  to  march  the 
militia,  notwithllanding  the  commiflioners  (hould  report, 
as  in  fact  they  flattered  themfelves  on  the  21  ft  of  Auguft, 


*  ^ 


See  Appendix, 


:  j,  that  oppofition  to  the  laws  would  ceafe.  Was  not 
this  the  meaning  of  a  declaration  in  your  prefence,  at 
the  abovemetitioned  conference,  that  it  was  not  enough 
to  rellore  thing?  to  the  fiate,  in  winch  they  were  iix  \veeks 
before?  But  1  united  in  the  advice  of  the  25th  of  Augur}, 
1704,  for  marching  the  militia.  If  then  to  declare  with- 
out referve,  that  the  militia  mull  be  employed  to  iupport 
the  laws,  provided  they  could  not  be  executed  by  the  of- 
ficers cf  the  law;  to  be  felicitous  to  avert  a  civil  war; 
and  fave,  if  pollible,  a  million  of  dollars  to  the  United 
States  ;  to  be  cautious  in  the  expenditure  of  money,  for 
which  there  had  been  no  appropriation  ;  and  to  convince 
the  people,  that  every  conciliatory  plan  had  been  exhauft- 
ed,  in  warding  elf  the  emergency  ; — if  this  be  to  balance, 
then  did  I  balance,  not  otherwise. 

The  day,  en  which  I  vilited  Mr.    Fauchet,  was  about 

the  5th  of  Auguil,    1794,  after  the  firil  proclamation  was 

ordered.     He  was  at  his  country-houfe   on  the  Schuyl- 

kiil;   I  was  never  ihere  hut  once  ;  and  then  I  (laid  only 

I  tor  twenty  minute? — a  ihort  fpace  tor  an  overture  of  con- 

:   fpiracy.      As  to  my  air,   I    am  ready,  without  however 

recollecting  it,  to  admit  every  appearance  cf  trouble  ;  for 

*  I  <  ".-lied   down  by  the  thought,  and  calamitous  ne- 

*  ceiiky,  of  ihedding  the  bleed  of  citizen  bv  citizen. 

Ccniciouc,  "s  I  was,  that  upon  the  fubjccl  of  money, 

nothing    had  palled  I  erxveen   Mr.   Fauchet   and   myfelf, 

:  :e  vulnerable;  I  was  not  difmayed  by 

ihe  lui\:i-ciiCiii  in  his  loUe-    N!o,  lo,  from 'his  diipatch  No. 

6.      I  confe.js,  however,  that    1  was  a  1m oil   intirely  at  a 

.  Mude  ;  until,  on  the  infpediun 
red  frotn  its  ihort,  abrupt,  and  inccm- 
ibiue  leading  ideas. 

Mr.  Fauchet  connects,   what   he  calls  ihe  overture  in 
.;  hi  he  narrative  of  the  iniuneeticn;   and  con- 
Li  fohnicn  cf  it  is  to  be  looked  for  in  that  event. 
private  converfation,  I  neither  can, 
r  have  I  an\  to  cliavge  my  memory  concern- 

iniT  it.      \.  try  of  flaie   has  gone  to 

th:-:  v:r,   it   has  grner::iiy   been  :\ 

;     ..:,•.  Oronld  be  a!i  nt  -  Our  difcourte 


[     85     ] 

turned  upon  the  infurredicn,  and  upon  the  expected 
machinations  of  Mr  Hammond  and-others  at  New -York, 
againil  the  French  Republic,  Governor  Clinton,  and 
myfeif.  I  fpoke  to  you  of  this  aHemD'a^e  at  New-V-  rk, 
and  of  Mr.  Fauchet  s  opinion,  that  they  would  concert 
fornething  to  the  annoyance  of  France.  Frelh  as  the  in- 
telligence was  upon  my  maid,  that  the  Bntiih  wete  fo- 
menting the  iniurredion.  I  ua>  ihongiy  inclined  to  be- 
lieve, that  Mr.  Hammond's  congrels,  as  Mr  Fauchet 
denominated  it,  would  not  forego  the  opportunity  of  fur- 
nilhing,  to  the  utmoti  of  their  abihcies,  employment  to 
the  United  States,  and  of  detaching  their  attention  and 
povver  from  the  European  war.  Of  Mr.  Hammond's  in- 
dividual errbrts  I  could  not  entertain  a  douot ;  be  ha.  ing 
declared,  if  I  am  not  milintbrmed,  that  Mr.  Jay's  million 
would  be  abortive;  and  his  whole  demeanor  feeming  to 
be  regulated  by  the  expectation,  that  no  adjuftrnent  with 
Great  Britain  was  at  hand.  I  own  therefore,  chat  I  was 
extremely  defirous  of  learning,  what  was  palling  at  New- 
York.  Mr.  Fauchet  had  given  me  a  title  to  call  upon 
him  for  proof  of  his  complaints,  that  in  the  boforp  of 
our  country,  in  one  of  our  molt  capital  cities,  combina- 
tions againft  the  French  caufe  were  tolerated.  Complaints 
of  this  kind  had  been  a  reiterated  theme  with  him,  and 
I  could  not  neglect  this,  without  fubjecling  myfeif  to  cen- 
fure.  I  accordingly  demanded  his  proo/s  ;  calculating, 
that  if  evidence  was  unattainable,  I  mould  filence  future 
crimination  of  the  United  States;  and  if  it  was  attainable, 
it  might  bring  with  it  other  intelligence,  highly  beneficial 
to  the  United  States,  in  detecting  and  enabling  them  to 
counteract,  the  machinations  in  favour  of  the  infurrec- 
tion.  I  certainly  thought,  that  thofe  men,  who  were  on 
an  intimate  footing  with  Mr.  Fauchet,  and  had  fome  ac- 
cefs  to  the  Britiih  connections,  were  the  bell  fitted  for 
obtaining  this  intelligence.  I  remembered,  that  he  had 
applied  to  me  tor  the  names  of  men,  qualified  as  contrac- 
tors of  flour  in  the  different  ftates ;  and  this  application 
can  be  proved  by  a  paper  in  mv  poflelTion,  by  .wo  gen- 
tlemen in  Philadelphia,  and,  I  believe,  by  yourfelf,  to 

M 


[     86     ] 

whom  I  mentioned  it.  Whether  I  fuggeiled  them  to  be 
the  proper  correfpondents  on  the  occaiion,  or  not,  I 
Ihali  not  undertake  to  determine.  But  if  I  did,  I  had 
not  the  moil;  diilant  idea  of  any  names,  or  any  number  of 
perfons;  and  if  number  was  at  all  hinted  at,  it  muft 
have  been  in  that  indefinite  way,  which  Mr.  Fauchet 
ftafes  in  his  certificate. — What  were  to  be  the  functions 
of  thefe  men  ?  The  difpatch  No.  6,  informs  us,  "  to  fave 
I  the  country"  from  a  civil  war;  not  to  kindle  one,  as  has 
>•  been  malicioufly  afierted.  To  every  man,  whofe  motives 
were  pure ;  who  panted  for  no  pretexts  to  raife  a  mili- 
tary force ;  this  object  was  dear  indeed  :  The  backward- 
nefs  of  fome  portions  of  the  militia  in  marching,  and  the 
refignation  of  feveral  officers  were  notorious  ;  and  when 
I  broke  to  Mr.  Bradford  and  other  gentlemen,  my  fear 
of  our  being  embroiled  with  the  Britifh,  I  aver  their  an- 
fwer  to  have  been,  that,  if  the  Britifh  could  once  be 
found  to  have  meddled  with  the  infurredlion,  the  friends 
of  the  infurgents  would  abandon  them,  and  the  militia 
would  ftep  forth  with  alacrity.  Of  this  I  was  abfolutely 
perfuaded  myfelf. — It  was  eafy  to  be  forefeen,  that  every 
rigor,  which  could  be  exercifed  upon  men,  who  flibuld 
be  known  to  be  engaged  in  a  work  of  this  nature,  would 
be  exercifed  upon  them  by  the  Britifh  Faclion ;  and  that 
if  from  debt  or  any  other  caufe  they  fhould  happen  to  be 
in  their  power,  mercy  would  be  vainly  expeded.  How 
I  expreffed  myfelf  in  relation  to  this,  if  at  all,  I  cannot 
now  remember  ;  for  it  was  fo  much  an  affair  "of  accidental 
occurrence  to  my  mind,  that  until  I  faw  No.  6,  I  could 
not,  in  the  fmalleft  degree,  fatisfy  myfelf,  how  money 
came  to  be  involved.  Mr.  Fauchet's  letter  indeed  made 
me  fuppofe,  that  No.  6  poffibly  alluded  to  fome  actual 
or  proffered  loan  or  expenditure,  for  the  nourimment  of 
the  infurrection  :  and  therefore  I  thought  it  necefiary  to 
deny,  in  my  letter  to  you  of  the  igth  of  Auguft,  1795, 
that  one  (hilling  was  contemplated  by  me  to  be  applied 
by  Mr.  Fauchet  relative  to  the  infurredion.  I  could 
only  fay,  as  I  now  repeat,  that  whatfoever  might  have  paf- 
fed,  in  which  money  was  embraced,  could  only  refpecl 


[     87     J 

the  circumftances  abovementioned.  I  appeal  to  God, 
as  my  vvitnefs,  that  the  day  after  the  converiation  with 
Mr.  .Fauchet,  I  informed  you  of  his  having  complained 
of  machinations  at  New-York  again  ft  his  government  : 
that  he  intimated  others  of  a  fimilar  kind  againft  the  Uni- 
ted States  :  that  you  afked  me,  why  he  did  not  bring  proof 
of  them  ?  and  that  I  replied,  that  I  had  infilled  upon  it 
being  his  duty  to  produce  them  by  every  exertion  in  his 
power.  How  much  more  I  may  have  laid  to  you,  I  do 
not  recoiled  ;  but  I  withheld  nothing  from  you,  on  an 
idea  of  impropriety  in  myielf.  To  minute  down  the 
various  converfations  between  you  and  myfelf,  was  im- 
practicable :  to  recoiled  them  all,  and  in  their  juft  ex- 
tent, cannot  be  undertaken  by  either  of  us ; — nay  more, 
had  I  been  fo  careful,  as  to  preferve  a  memorial  of  this 
particular  converfation,  which,  in  the  fuppofed  money- 
part  of  it  at  leaft,  made  fo  Imall  an  impreffion  upon  me, 
I  fhould  be  puzzled  to  aifcgn  a  reafcn  to  myfelf  for  do- 
ing fo. 

What,   if  I  had  exhorted  Mr.    Fauchet  thus:    "  Sir! 
you  have  been  uttering  your  difcontents  to  me  concern- 
ing a  confpiracy,  carried  on  by  the  Bvitifh  in  the  United 
States   againft   your   government,   and  have   infmuated, 
that  it  is  extended  even  to  our  own.      To  prove  that  you 
are  fincere,  and  are  not  indulging  idle  clamours ;  obtain 
the  neceffary  intelligence.     You  can  do  it,  although  you 
fhould  be  obliged  to  protect   your   correfpondents  from 
Britifh  perfecution,  by  the  advances  to  be  made  to  them, 
on  the  fcore  of  your  flour-contracts."    Without  examin- 
ing the  corrednefs  or  unfhnefs  of  this  procedure  ;  let  me 
afk,  if  I  was  not  warranted  in  the  belief,  that  it  would 
have  been  acceptable  to  you,  to  make  the  refearches, which 
Mr.  Fauchet  was  bound  to  inftitute  in  juftice  to  his  own 
country,  the  vehicle  of  information,  ufeful  to  our  own, 
touching  the  Britifh  movements  ?  Yes,  Sir  ;  look  at  a  cer- 
tain letter,  which  you  approved,  on  the    28th   of  July, 
1794,  in  which  the  money  of  the  United  States  was  pledg- 
ed, and  every  nerve  vfras  drained  for  this  objed  ; — look 
at  another  letter,  which,  though  written  on  the  28th  of 


f     88     ] 

Auguft,  17Q4,  was  difcuffed  as  early  as  the  latter  end  o 
Ju;y;  and  d  reded  a  public  officer  to  explore  the  temper 
of  the  counties,  weft  ot  the  Sufquehanna,  as  to  the  in- 
.  furred  ion  : — remember  another  very  confidential  letter, 
which  I  was  inftruded  by  you  to  write,  urging  a  particular 
perfon  to  explore  the  fituation  of  the  infvsrgents  in  all 

Eoints.     What  my  own  zeal  was  on  this  diftrefiing  cnfis, 
>t  my  private  letter  to  Mr.  Bradford  at  Pittfburg,  on  the 
1 6th  of  Auguft,   1794,  fpeak. — "  The  attention  of  this 
city  *  is  occupied  by  the  commotion   in   the  weft;  and 
there  feems  to  be  but  one  horror  at  the  attack  on  govern- 
ment.    However,  I  pray  you  to  clofe  the  bufmds  with- 
jout  bloodftied  ;  and  let  the  fouls  of  our  fellow-citizens  be 
{ warmed  againft  fome  common  enemy,  rather  than   one 
I  another.      Whatever  eloquence,  whatever  influence  our 
commiflioners  pofTefs,  let  them  pour  it  all  moft  profufely 
forth,  rather  than  fuffer  the  fword  to  be  drawn.      I  never 
reflecl   on  the  fituation  of  the  man,  whom  I  venerate  and 
love,  that  1    do  not  curfe  thofe,  who  are   endeavouring 
by  their  outrages  on  government,  to  drive  him  to  an  ad, 
which  he  would  avoid  by  any  facrifice  of  perfonal  confi- 
de rations.    If  the  Rubicon  is  not  pafied  by  the  infurgents, 
I  truft,  that  you  can  ftop  them  on  this  fide  ; — if  it  is,  I  la- 
ment the  dire  neceflity  of  appealing  to  arms." 

That  the  narrative  of  the  converfation  is  mutilated, 
appears  from  the  very  face  of  the  paper,  which  Mr.  Adet 
arfirms  to  contain  the  whole  of  what  relates  to  the  over- 
ture, as  it  is  called.  Naked  as  the  reprefentation  is,  it 
is  incpmprehenfible  in  itfelf.  What  four  men  upon 
earth  could  have  been  contemplated?  Why  was  Britijh 
perfecution  to  be  apprehended  ?  Why  fhould  fo  peculiar 
an  intereft  be  attributed  to  Mr.  Fauchet,  in  faving  the 
country  from  a  civil  war  ?  No  other  explanation,  than 
that  which  has  been  given,  will  fuit  the  imperfed  hints. 
Having  already  delivered  my  opinion  to  the  Prefident 
for  the  purpofe  of  faving  a  civil  war,  no  agency  from  me 
could  accomplifti  any  new  effed. 

*  Philadelphia* 


t  89  j 

I  will  here  inquire  from  Mr.  Harnmcnd,  and  the  Bri- 
tifh  faction,  v^ch  through  him  have  been  pat  in  motif  n; 
from  thole,  who  for  the  fake  of  party,  intereft,  or  pericn- 
ahtv,  have  propagated  fa  I  ft  hoods  in  every  town  ;  or  who 
perievere  in  th?  hatred  of  a  connection  between  the  U- 
mted  Sta:«jfc  and  France; — what  is  hp.r-me  of  their  hafa 
aiTeriicns,  that  tens  and  rmr.dieds  of  thruhm4  C'-l'a^ 
been  received  from  the  French  miniilerV  1  demand  of 
thofe,  who  have  tranfmitted  to  every  quarter  01"  the  u- 
nion,  in  which  they  could  find  adherents,  {lories  cf  large 
fums  of  French  fecret-fervice  mcney  being  d-Lnbuted  in 
the  United  States,  to  exhibit  their  picof.  let  them  or 
the  government  go  to  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  horn 
whence  the  French  miniiler  received  till  he  mcney  v\hich 
was  paid  to  h-:m  by  our  trealury,  or  let  them  icrutinize 
eliewhere.  1  et  every  fum  of  importance  be  traced  :  let 
a  reward  be  ctfered  for  every  fpecies  of  evidence  :  I  chal- 
lenge the  whole  world  to  fupport,  by  thefe  or  any  other 
expedients,  the  charge  of  money  or  of  an  overture  for 
money. 

If  candor  ever  dwelt  in  the  bread  of  thofe,  who  have 
feized  Mr.  Fauchet's  letter,  as  an  iniirument  of  party, 
or  from  their  familiarity  with  corruption  it  has  not  de- 
ferted  them,  I  mull  intreat  them  for  a  moment  to 
the  dictates  of  common  fenfe.  Nothing  (hort  of  the  molt 
complete  folly  could  have  induced  me  to  hint  to  Mr.  Fau- 
chet  an  overture  of  money  for  myfelf — l.  It  cannot  be 
doubted,  that  if  Mr.  Fauchet  had  even  ronjefttired*  that 
I  had  preferred  myleif  for  money,  he  would  have  been 
pointed.  He  would  either  have  direc:  :d  it,  or 

would   have   inlinudted,  that    the    meafure,  of 
talked,  was  a  cover  to  fome  proportion  for  my  own  be- 
nefit.    He  would  have  animadverted  upon 
oufnefs  of  my  proceeding;  and  would  piv'x 
tempted  to   indicate,  how   my  observations   cc1 
been  brought  round,  fo  as   to  be  ai  plr 
An  omiflion  like  this,  \\as  tco  flriking  to  ? 
pen  was  rapidly  flowing  in  the  hiftory  of  his  ....       :o  of- 


[     9°     ] 

fical  fecrets. — 2.  There  were  official  fecrets,  which  might 
have  been  diftantly,  but  plainly  approached,  and  the  va- 
lue of  which  would  have  been  more  attractive  to  him, 
than  the  "  .favwg  °f  the  United  States  from  a  civil  war" 
What  would  not  have  been  his  joy  to  infpecl  Mr.  Jay's 
inftruclions  and  letters  ?  And  yet  you  muft  be  convin- 
ced, that  he  never  law  or  heard  a  fyllable  of  them,  with- 
out your  permiflion. — 3.  A  plan  of  corruption,  which 
fhould  engage  the  attention  of  a  foreign  minifter,  muft 
pledge  the  perfon  corrupted  to  execute  the  will  of  the  fo- 
reign government.  Read  Mr.  Fauchet's  letters  in  the 
department  of  ftate  ;  read  the  anguifh  of  his  remonftran- 
ces  ;  and  then  determine,  if  the  mod  fuccefsful  addrefs  to 
him  for  a  mercenary  purpole  would  not  have  been,  to 
promife  to  labour  for  the  removal  of  their  caufe. — 4.  I 
had  often  heard  him  vehement  againft  the  Britifh  prac- 
tice of  feduclion,  and  extolling  the  purity  of  his  own  go- 
vernment. If  this  were  not  enough  to  deter  a  propoii- 
tion  for  money ;  it  would  have  been  clothed  in  terms, 
which  might  decifively  fix  his  notice. — 5.  You  and  I 
knew,  Sir,  officially  his  poverty  ;  from  his  urgency  to  an- 
ticipate the  deb%  due  to  France,  for  the  purchafe  of  pro- 
vilions. — 6.  You  and  I  knew  officially  from  the  American 
minifter,  that  two  other  perfons  were  in  commiflion  with 
Mr.  Fauchet.  It  was  fufpecled,  from  a  quarter  in  which 
I  confided,  that  thefe  perions  were  in  a  political  intimacy 
with  members  of  our  government,  not  friendly  to  me. 
I  knew  officially,  that  money-claims  and  money  advances 
were  to  be  fanclioned  by  them  as  well  as  Mr.  Fauchet.  Is 
it  poilible,  that  ordinary  prudence  would  not  have  forbid- 
den this  hazard,  this  certainty  of  detection? — 7.  It  was 
predicted  on  Mr.  Fauchet's  arrival,  that  on  a  revolution 
of  the  party,  which  fent  him  hither,  he  would  be  recal- 
led. Was  this  the  foreign  minifter,  who  was  to  be  the  de- 
pofitory  of  very  high  confidence? — 8.  You  recollect,  that 
Mr.  Fauchet,  upon  learning  that  you  meant  to  refide  at 
Germantown  during  the  fummer  of  1794,  rented  a  houfe, 
as  he  told  you,  to  have  the  pleafure  of  being  near  you  : 
that  without  lodging  a  fingle  night  there,  he  fuddenly  re- 


[     91     ] 

verfed  his  determination  ;  paid  his  landlord  a  competi- 
tion, and  fequeftered  himfelf  in  the  country  on  the 
Scbuylkill.  No  fooner  was  I  acquainted  with  it  than  I 
obferved  to  you,  that  Mr.  Fauchet  muft  have  been  abrupt- 
ly alienated  from  the  government.  This  therefore  was 
not  the  feafon  for  confidential  overtures  ;  and  the  ftrain 
of  my  public  letters  to  him,  which  awakened  his  fenii- 
bility,  manifefted,  that  I  felt  myfelf  beyond  danger  from 
his  difclofures. — 9.  Would  he  have  thought  of  anfwering 
me,  by  referring  to  "  the  pure  and  unalterable  principles 
of  his  Republic  ;"  would  he  have  always  admitted  my 
integrity  in  his  letters  ;  or  would  he  have  certified  the 
converfation,  as  he  has  done,  if  I  had  condefcended  to 
accept  a  bribe  ? — lo.  Do  you  believe,  Sir,  that  if  money 
was  purfued  by  a  fecretary  of  ftate,  he  would  have  been 
rebuffed  by  an  anfwer,  which  implied  no  refufal ;  and  ... 
would  not  have  renewed  the  propolition  ;  which  however  * 
Mr.  Fauchet  confefTes,  that  he  never  heard  of  again. 

But  why,  (it  may  be  afked,)  if  his  impreflions  were 
not  very  forcible,  has  he  made  fuch  forcible  inferences  ? 
— When  he  wrote  his  letter  on  the  31  ft  of  October  1 794, 
his  irritation  againfl  the  government  had  increafed  ;  and 
his  political  fpeculations  went  to  vilify  the  fyftein  of  fi- 
nance, and  to  bend  every  event  to  his  opinions.  How 
elfe  can  we  account  for  a  civil  war,  which  was  then  ex- 
ifting,  being  decided  or  not,  according  to  the  flatement 
in  No.  6  r — Where  is  the  tariff,  as  if  a  fum  was  marked 
out  ? — His  impreflions  may  have  been  what  they  will :  I 
deny  them,  if  they  be  coupled  with  any  thing  diihonor- 
able.  He  admits,  that  he  was  miftaken.  No.  6  itfelf 
demonftrates,  that  he  did  not  comprehend  the  traniac- 
tion ;  and  his  folution  of  his  'error  from  the  ufe  of  the 
French  and  Englifh  language  ai  different  times,  will  be 
frankly  allowed  by  thofe,  who  have  been  circumftanced, 
as  Mr.  Fauchet  was. 

If  a  foreign  minifter,  known  to  be  difgufled  with  the 
government,  and  a  particular  officer  ;  anxious  to  approve 
kimfelf  as  vigilant,  penetrating,  and  influential  ;  im- 


[     92     ] 

perfectly  uncle  rftanding  what  is  faid  to  him  ; 
things  to  be  facts,  many  of  which  are,  within  the  know- 
ledge of  yourfelf  and  others,  unfounded  ;  collecting  from 
the  newfpapers  ftates  of  politics ;  feciudmg  hmiielf  from 
the  world,  where  his  information  might  be  chalhzed; 
drawing  erroneous  confequences  from  his  own  data  :  — 
if  he  is  to  be  immediately  and  continually  quoted  in  op- 
poiition  to  his  own  certificate,  and  the  tenor  of  his  own 
difpatches,  to  the  difadvantage  of  that  officer  ; — then 
may  any  foreign  minifter  deilroy,  whom  he  pleafes  : 
then  may  Mr.  Hammond,  and  thofe  who  referable  him, 
detlroy  any  officer,  not  devoted  to  Great  Britain,  \Vhat 
mere  can  be  expecled  from  me  ? 


The  feventeenth  paragraph. 


"  17.  As  foon  as  it  was  decided  that  the  French  Republic  purchafed 
no  men  to  do  their  duty,  there  were  to  be  feen  individuals,  about  whofa 
conduft  the  government  could  at  leaft  form  uneafy  conjeclures,  giving 
themfelves  up  with  a  fcandalous  oftentation  to  its  views,  and  even  fe- 
conding  its  declarations.  The  Popular  Societies  foon  emitted  refolutions 
ftamped  with  the  fame  fpirit,  and  who  although  they  may  have  been  ad. 
vifed  by  love  of  order,  might  neverthelefs  have  omitted  or  uttered  them 
with  lefs  folemnity.  Then  were  feen  coming  from  the  very  men  whom 
we  had  been  accuitomed  to  regard  as  having  little  friendship  for  the  fyf- 
!em  of  the  trt-afurer,  harrangues  without  end,  in  order  to  give  a  new 
direction  to  the  public  mind.  The  militia,  however,  manifeft  fome  re- 
pugnar.ee,  particularly  in  Pennfvlvania,  for  the  fervice  to  which  they 
were  called.  Several  officers  refign  ;  at  laft  by  excurfions  or  harrangues, 
incomplete  reqnifitions  are  obtained,  and  icattered  volunteer  corps  from 
(UiffR'nt  parts  make  up  the  deficiency,  how  much  more  intereiling, 
than  the  changeable  men  whom  1  have  painted  above,  were  thofe  plain 
citizens  who  anfwered  the  felicitations  which  were  made  to  them  to 
join  the  volunteers — u  Jf  we  are  required  we  will  march;  becauie  we 
do  not  wifn  not  to  have  a  government,  but  to  arm  ourfelves  as  volunteers 
would  be  in  appearance  fubfcribing  implicitly. to  the  cxcife  fyftem  whit-la 
we  reprobate." 


f     93     ] 

Although  in  the  firft  line  of  this  paragraph,  M.  Fauchet 
continues  the  i'pirit  of  the  deductions,  which  he  had 
made  the  minute  before ;  yet  does  it  manifeft,  that, 
when  he  wrote  his  letter,  he  did  not  conceive  me  to  be 
perfonally  concerned  in  the  overture,  as  he  terms  it. 
For  what  were  men  to  be  procured  ?  To  do  their  duty. 
What  was  their  duty?  To  fave  their  country  from  a  ci- 
vil war.  If  it  be  objecled,  that  his  decifton,  which  ap- 
pears from  No.  6.  never  to  have  been  communicated  to 
me,  was  notwithstanding  gueiled  at  and  intimated  to  any 
individuals  whatfoever  ;  I  ailert,  that  nothing  can  be 
more  remote  from  truth. 

The  eighteenth  paragraph. 

1 8.  What  I  have  faid  above,  authorifes  then  our  refting  on  the  opini- 
on become  inconteftible,  that  in  the  crifis  which  has  burft,  and  in  the 
means  employed  for  reftoring  order,  the  true  queftion  was  the  deft  ruc- 
tion or  the  triumph  of  the  treafurer's  plans.  This  being  once  eftabliih- 
ed,  let  us  pals  over  the  fads  related  in  the  common  difpatches,  and  fee 
hoxv  the  government  or  the  treafurer  will  take  from  the  very  ftroke  which 
threatened  his  fyftem  rhe  fate  opportunity  of  humbling  the  adverfe  party, 
and  of  filencing  their  enemies  whether  open  or  concealed.  The  army 
marched;  the  Prefident  made  known  that  he  was  going  fo  command  it; 
he  fat  out  for  Carlifle ;  Hamilton,  as  I  have  underftood,  requefted  to  fol- 
low him ;  the  Prefident  dared  not  to  ref ufe  him.  It  does  not  require 
much  penetration  to  divine  the  object  of  this  journey:  In  the  Prefident 
it  was  wife,  it  might  alfo  be  his  duty.  But  in  Mr.  Hamilton  it  was  a 
confequence  of  the  profound  policy  which  directs  all  his  fteps ;  a  mea- 
fure  dictated  by  a  perfeft  knowledge  of  the  human  heart. Was  it  not  inter- 
efting  for  him,  for  his  party,  tottering  under  the  weight  of  events  without 
and  accufations  within,  to  proclaim  an  intimacy  more  perfeft  than  ever 
with  the  Prefident,  whofe  very  name  is  a  fufficient  fiiield  againft  the  moft 
formidable  attacks  ?  Now  what  more  evident  mark  could  the  Prefident 
give  of  his  intimacy  than  by  fuffering  Mr.  Hamilton,  whofe  name  even 
is  underftood  in  the  weft  as  that  of  a  public  enemy,  to  go  and  place  him- 
felf  at  the  head  of  the  army  which  went,  if  I  may  ufe  the  exprelfion,  to 
caufe  his  fyftem  to  triumph  againft  the  oppofition  of  the  pesple  ?  The 
prefence  of  Mr.  Hamilton  with  the  army  muft  attach  it  more  than  ever 
t*  his  party  ;  we  fr"  what  ideas  thefe  circumftances  give  birth  to  on  both 
fides,  all  however  to  the  advantage  of  the  fecretary. 

This  paragraph  fcarcely  requires  a  comment  from  me* 
It  is  obfervable,  however,  that,  as  Mr.  Fauchet  returns  to 
fubjecls,  upon  which  he  communicated  with  his  collea- 
gues, they  were,  according  to  his  obfervation  at  the  be- 
ginning of  his  letter,  intirely  diftincl  from  any  fecrets  of  j 
our  government.  When  he  fpeaks  of  his  paving  learned, 

N 


t     94     J 

that  Mr.  Hamilton  requeftedto  follow  the  Prefident,  lam 
3£0t  quoted;  though  I  fhali  freely  declare,  how  I  may 
have  contributed  to  the  report,  which  he  might  have  poi- 
iibly  heard  from  his  colleagues  through  the  connections, 
which  they  had  formed,  both  in  and  out  of  the  govern- 
ment. You  will  remember,  Sir,  that  I  reprefented  to 
you,  how  much  Col.  Hamilton's  accompanying  you  was 
talked  of  out  of  doors,  and  how  much  ftrefs  was  laid 
upon  the  feeming  neceflity  of  the  commander  in  chief 
having  him  always  at  his  elbow.  You  acquainted  me 
with  his  requeft  to  attend  you,  and  I  underflood,  that  I 
was  at  liberty  to  fay  fo,  wherefoever  I  mould  find  an  oc- 
cafion.  I  think  it  probable  therefore,  that  I  mentioned 
the  fad,  to  (hew  to  the  world,  that  Col.  Hamilton  had  not 
been  folicited  by  you  to  follow  him,  and  thus  to  counter- 
act the  idea  of  your  abfolute  dependance  on  his  counfels. 
But  I  neither  recollect  nor  believe,  that  any  thing  paffed 
from  myfelf  to  Mr.  Fauchet.  That  the  Prefident  dared 
not  to  refufe  Mr.  Hamilton  is  plainly  Mr.  Fauchet's  own 
remark. 

The  nineteenth  paragraph. 

19.  Three  weeks  had  they  encamped  in  the  weft  without  a  fmgle  arm- 
ed man  appearing.  However  the  Prefident,  or  thofe  who  wiihed  to  make 
the  moft  of  this  new  manoeuvre,  made  it  public  that  he  was  going  to 
command  in  perfon.  The  feffion  of  Congrefs  being  very  near,  it  was 
wifhed  to  try  whether  there  could  not  be  obtained  from  the  pretfes, which 
were  fupppfed  to  have  changed,  a  filence,  whence  to  conclude  the  pofli- 
bility  of  infiinging  the  conftitution  in  its  moft  eflential  part;  in  that 
which  fixes  the  relation  of  the  Prefident  with  the  legiflature.  But  the 
patriotic  papers  laid  hold  of  this  artful  attempt :  I  am  certain  that  the 
office  of  the  fecretary  of  ftate,  which  alone  remained  at  Philadelphia,  (for 
while  the  minifter  of  finance  was  with  the  army,  the  minifter  of  war  was 
on  a  tour  to  the  Province  of  Maine,  400  miles  from  Philadelphia),  main- 
tained the  controverfy  in  favour  of  the  opinion  which  it  was  defired  to  e-* 
ftabliih.  A  comparifon  between  the  Prefident  and  the  Englifh  monarch 
was  introduced,  who  far  removed  from  Weftminftcr,  yet  ftridly  fulfils 
his  duty  of  fanftioning;  it  was  much  infifted  on  that  the  conftitution  de- 
clares that  the  Prefident  commands  the  armed  force  :  this  fimilitude  was 
treated  with  contempt ;  the  consequence  of  the  power  of  commanding  in 
perfon,  drawn  from  the  right  to  command  in  chief  (or  direcl)  the  force 
of  the  ftate,  was  ridiculed  and  reduced  to  an  abfurdity,  by  fuppefing  a 
fleet  at  fea  and  an  army  on  land.  The  refult  of  this  controverfy  was, 
that  forae  days  after  it  was  announced  that  the  Prefidear  would  come  to 
open  the  approaching  feffion. 


f     95     ] 

I  difcover  nothing  in  this  paragraph  demanding  an  an- 
fvver  from  me  ;  except  that  with  my  privity  or  belief,  not 
a  Jingle  publication  \vas  made  from  the  department  cf 
flate,  refpeaing  the  Prefident's  abfence  from  congrefs. 

The  twentieth,    tioenty-frjl  ^     twenty-fecond,    twenty-third^     twenty- 
fourth  a:id  twenty-fifth  paragraphs. 

20.  During  his  flay  at  Bedford,  the  Prefident  doubtlefs  concerted  the 
plan  of  the  campaign  with  Mr.  Lee,  to  whom  he   left   the  command  in 
chief.     The  letter  by  which  he  delegates  the  command  TO  him,  is  tt:nt  of 
a  virtuous  man,  at  leaft  as  to  the  major  part  of  the  fentimems  which  it 
contains;   he  afterwards  fet  out  for  Pniladelphia,  where  he  has  juft  arriv- 
ed, and  Mr.  Hamilton  remains  with  the  army. 

21.  This  laft  circumllance  unveils  all  the  plan  of  the  Secretary  ;  he 
prefides  over  the  military  operations  in  order  to  acquire  in  the  fight  of  his 
enemies  a  formidable  and  impoiing  consideration.     He  and  Mr.  Lee  the 
commander  in  chief,  agree  perfectly  in  principles.     The  governors  of 
Jerfey  and  Maryland  harmonize  entirely  with  them  ;  the  governor  of 
Pennfylvania,  of  whom  it  never  would  have  been  tufpeded,  lived  inti- 
mately and  publicly  with  Hamilton.     Such  a  unicn  of  perfons  would  be 
matter  fufficient  to  produce  refinance  in  the  weilern  counties,  even  ad- 
mitting they  had  not  thought  of  making  any. 

22.  The  foldiers  themfelves  are  aftonifced  at  the  fcandalous  gaiety, 
with  which  thofe  who  poffefs  the  fecret,  proclaim  their  approaching  tri- 
umph. It  is  allcej,  of  what  ufe  are  J  £,oco  n  en  in  this  country,  in  which 
provifions  are  fcarce,  and  where  are  to  be  feized  only  fome  turbulent  men 
at  their  plough.     Thofe  who  con-iafted  the  expedition  know    this ;  th« 
matter  is  to  create  a  great  expence ;  when  the  fums  {hall  come  to  be  af- 
feffed,  no  one  will  be  willing  to  pay,  and  (hould  each  pay  his  affeffment, 
it  will  be  do.ie  in  cuffing  theinfurgent  principles  of  the  patriots. 

23.  It  is  impoffible  to  make  a  more  able  manoeuvre  for  the  opening  of 
Congrefs.     The  paflions,  the  generous  indignation,  which  had  agitated 
their  minds  in  the  laft  feflion,  were  about  being  renewed  with  Mill  more 
vigor;  there  was  nothing  to  announce  of  brilliant /ucceffes  which  they 
had  promifed.     The  holtilities  of  Great  Britain  on  the  continent  fo  long 
difguifed,  and  now  become  evident,  a  commerce  always  harrafied,  ridicu- 
lous negociations  lingering  at  London,  waiting  until  new  conjunctures 
{hould  authorize  new  infults:  fuch  was  the  picture  they  were  likely  to 
have  to  offer  the  reprefentatives  of  the  people.     Birt  this  crifis,  and  the 
great  movements  made  to  prevent  its  conlequences,  change  the  flate  of 
things.     With  what  advantage  do  they  denounce  an  attrocious  attack 
upon  the  conftitution,  and  appreciate  the  activity  ufed  to  reprefs  it;  the 
ariftocratical  party  will  foon  have  underftood  the  fecret ;  all  the  misfor- 
tunes will  be  attributed  to  patriots ;  the  party  of  the  latter  is  about  being 
deferred  by  all  the  weak  men,  and  this  complete  feflion  will  have  been 
gained. 

24.  Who  knows  what  will  be  the  limits  of  this  triumph  ?  Perhaps 
advantage  will  be  taken  by  it  to  obtain  fome  laws  for  (lengthening  the 
government,  and  ftill  more  precipitating  the  propenfity,  already  viiible, 
that  it  has  towards  ariftocracy. 

25.  Such  are,  citizen,  the  data  which  I  poffefs  concerning  thefe  e- 
vents,  and  the  confequences  I  draw  from  them :  1  vviih  1  may  be  deceiv- 


t  96  ] 

ed  in  my  calculations,  and  the  good  difpofition  of  the  people;  their  at- 
tachment to  principles  leads  me  to  expect  it.  I  have  perhaps  herein 
fallen  into  the  repetition  of  reflections  and  fads  contained  in  other  dif» 
parches,  but  I  wifhed  toprefent  together  fome  views  which  I  have  rea- 
fon  to  afcrihe  to  the  ruling  party,  and  fome  able  manoeuvres  invented  to 
fupport  themfelves.  Without  participating  in  the  paflions  of  the  parties, 
I  obferve  them  ;  and  I  owe  to  my  country  an  exalt  and  ftrift  account  of 
the  iituation  of  things.  I  (hall  make  it  my  duty  to  keep  you  regularly 
informed  of  every  change  that  may  take  place;  above  all  1  (hall  apply 
myielt  to  penetrate  the  difpofition  of"  the  legiflature  ;  that  will  not  a  little 
affift  in  forming  the  final  idea  which  we  ought  to  have  of  thcfe  move- 
ments, and  what  we  Ihould  really  fear  or  hope  from  them. 

Upon  thefe  paragraphs  I  fhall  obferve,  only  that  it  was 
impoHible  for  me  on  the  faith  of  Mr.  Jay's  let  eis  to  pro- 
nounce, that  the  negotiations  in  London  were  derifory  or 
ridiculous 

Thus,  Sir,  have  I  analyzed  Mr.  Fauchet's  letter  No.  lo, 
and  his  difpatches  No.  3  and  6.  But  it  is  my  right,  from 
a  juli  fenfe  of  injury,  to  call  the  attention  of  the  people 
and  yourieif  to  fome  further  obfervations. 


In  this  letter,  Sir,  I  appeal  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States.  Thev  have  not  committed  themfelves.  They  have 
no  prejudices,  HO  antipathies,  no  jealouiies  to  be  awakened. 
They  will  follow  counfeliors,  who  will  not,  and  cannot 
deceive  them  :  who  will  ad  for  themfelves,  and  are  not 
played  orf  by  others  behind  the  fcene.  They  will  be  able 
to  repel  the  crifis,  which,  I  fear,  may  diflurb  our  har- 
mony with  France.  But  without  a  farther  enumeration 
of  reifons  for  an  appeal  to  the  people,  to  whom  elfe 
ought  I  to  appeal  ?  If  the  ftories,  which  have  been  pro- 
pa^a;ed,  be  true;  it  is  their  honor,  which  has  been 
wounded.  I-'  falfe,  they  alone  can  make  retribution  to 
me.  On  them  alone  can  I  rely  to  diftinguifti  truth  from 
the  management  and  exaggerations  of  a  Brkifh  minifter, 
Britiih  partifans,  Britifh  merchants,  enemies  of  France, 
friends  of  monarchy,  and  violators  of  our  conftitution. 

To  yourself,  Sir,  I  never  can  appeal.  Your  condud 
on  the  1  gth  of  Auguft  1795,  your  letter  of  the  2oth ,- 


t     97     ] 

and  the  declarations  of  thofe,  who  felt  a  peiku-fion,  i' 
they  were  fighting   under   your  banners,    have  long  ago 
proclaimed,  that  you  had  been  in  an  intrant  transformed 
into  my  enemy  :    And  this,    if  I  miltake  not,  was  the 
courfe  of  your  thoughts.      After  you  had  determined  not 
to  ratify  during  the  exiilence  of  the  proviiion  order, .  you- 
were   iurrounded  by  the   remonstrances   of    the   people 
from  one  end  of  the  union  to  the  other.   You  perceived, 
that  not  to  ratify  immediately,  would  dilgutt  one  party, 
and  that  to  ratify,  even  after  the  abolition  of  that  ord-er, 
would  difguft  the  other.      You  will  remember  a  remarka- 
ble phrafe  of  your  own  upon  this  occaiion.   Before,  how- 
ever,  you  were  fcarcely  cool  from  tne  heat  of  your  jour- 
ney from  Virginia,   the  man,  who  had  l.een  r.nxioufly  in- 
quiring after  your  arrival,    hailened  to  deiiver  the  letter 
to  you.      Then  ihe  friendfhip  of  the  people  for  France, 
which  had  been  before  a  terror,  was  changed  into  a  phan- 
tom, from  the  expectation  of  fatisfying  them  of  an  exift- 
ing  corruption  in  her  favour.      Then  the  oppofers  of  the 
treaty  might,  35  was  fuppofed,  be  branded,  as  a  "  detef- 
table  faction"—11  a  detellabie  confpiracy" — and  plotters  of 
a  revolution.       The  deitruction  of  me  was  a  little  fome- 
thing; — the  groundwork  of  a  more  important  afiault  upon 
others.  In  me  you  faw  a  man  of  no  party  ; — whofe  friend?, 
though  they  knew  me  to  be  republican,  were  milled  to  be- 
lieve,, that  in  your  cabinet  I  was  an  adherent  to  anti-re- 
publican meaiures,  and  were  ignorant,  that  no  opinion,, 
which  I  there  gave,  ever  fwerved  from  the  rights  cf  the 
people  : — who,    having  the  name   of  being  befriended 
by  you,    and  having  always  vindicated  your  charac 
when  unjuillyailailed,  was  the  more  expoled  to  a  deadly 
ftroke  from  the  arm   of  an  elevated  and  reputed  patron. 
You  thought  aifo,  that  from  the  agency,   which  I  had  had 
in  the  treaty,   the  people  might  keep  aloof  from   render- 
ing me  juftice.     Be  this  as  it  may,  they  (hall  be  inform- 
ed of  the  truth;  and  I  repeat,  that  I  will  not  court  the 
prejudices  of  any  man  upon  earth. 

I  did  indeed,  before  the  proviiion-order  was  known, 
confider  you,  as  bound  to  ratify,  if  the  fenate  fhould 
advife  you  ;  becaufe  your  powders  to  Mr.  Jay  did  not 
feem  to  have  been  exceeded.  I  was  much  influenced  al- 
ib  by  thefe  coniiderations.  l.  That  if  the  people  were 


r  98  ] 

adverfe  to  the  treaty,  it  was  the  confthutional  right  of  the 
houfe  of  reprefentatives  to  refufe,  upon  original  grounds, 
unfettered  by  the  aiTent  of  the  fcnate  or  yourfelf,  to  pafs 
the  laws,  neceiiary  for  its  execution  : — 2.  That  Mr.  Jay 
had  aliened  that  no  better  terms  could  poflibly  be  obtained  ; 
and  that  obilinacy  in  rejecting  the  fettlement,  which  he 
had  made,  might  be  lenous.: — 3.  That  I  did  not  then  fup- 
pofe,  that  we  were  to  hazard  a  war  with  France,  by  con- 
curring in  the  attempt  to  itar^e  her.  But  as  foon  as  the 
provifion-order  was  promulged,  I  delivered  to  you  my 
opinion  on  the  12th  of  July  1795  ;  in  which  I  ftated  my 
objections  to  the  treaty,  including  many  of  your  own, 
transmitted  to  Mr.  Jay  in  my  letters  of  the  12th  of  No- 
vember, and  15th  of  December  1794;  placing  the  rati- 
fication on  the  fame  footing,  on  which  I  had  placed  it  in 
my  addrefs  to  Mr.  Hammond. 

Without  a  fubfeiviency  to  French  politics,  I  might 
have  well  doubted  of  the  expediency  of  ratifying,  when 
it  appears  by  a  letter  from  Mr.  Jay,  of  the  5th  of  No- 
vember 1794  (fourteen  days  before  he  figned  it)  that  he 
himfelf  vibrated  on  the  propriety  of  figning  it.  The 
maxim,  which  I  have  always  enforced  to  you,  has  been, 
that  the  United  States  ihouid  {hake  off  all  dependence  of 
French  and  Engiifh  interference  in  our  affairs  :  but  that 
we  ought  not  to  deny  or  baffle-the  gratitude  of  the  people 
to  France  under  the  pretext  of  independence,  in  order  to 
give  a  decifive  pieponderance  to  Great  Britain. 

Anxious  as  I  arn  to  clofe  this  letter  which  has  been  de- 
layed, not  from  any  defign,  or  hefitation,  but  from  cir- 
cumftances,  unavoidable  in  my  iituation  ;  I  have  only  to 
deplore,  that  even  with  an  anxiety  on  your  part  to  recol- 
lect every  thing,  I  cannot  hope  for  fupportin  many  things, 
which  I  might  mention,  and  which  have  been  confined  to 
ourleives ;  after  having  heard  you  daily  complain,  that  you 
could  i.ot  truft  your  memory.  But  having  been  driven 
by  feif  defence  to  fpeak  freely,  I  ft  and  upon  the  truth  of 
what  I  have  fpokeri  : — LET  THE  PEOPLE  JUDGE. 
I  have  the  honour,  Sir, 

to  be  with  due  refpeft, 

your  moil  obedient  fervant, 

EDM.   RANDOLPH. 


APPENDIX. 


N°.  I. 

MESSAGE  of  the  PRESIDENT  of  the  UNITED  STATES, 
to  CONGRESS. 


"  UNITED  STATES,  December  5,   1793. 
GENTLEMEN   OP  THE  SENATE, 

and  of  the  HOUSE  of  REPRESENTATIVES, 

"  AS  the  prefent  iituation  of  the  feveral  nations  of  Europe,  and  especially  cf  thcfe 
!JL  with  which  the  United  States  have  important  relations,  cannot  but  render  the 
ftate  of  things  bet  ween  them  and  us,  matter  of  intereuing  inquiry,  to  the  legislature, 
and  may,  indeed,  give  rile  to  deliberations,  to  which  they  alone  are  competent,  I  have 
thought  it  my  duty  to  communicate  to  them,  certain  correfpondences  which  have  taken 
place. 

The  reprefentative  and  executive  bodies  of  France  have  manifefted,  generally,  a  friend- 
ly attachment  to  this  country  ;  have  given  advantages  to  our  commerce  and  navigation, 
and  have  made  overtures  foi  placing  thefe  advantages  on  permanent  ground  ;  a  decree, 
however,  cf  the  National  AfTembly,  fubieclin<r  ?eflels  laden  with  provifions,  to  be  carried 
into  their  ports,  and  makin?  enemy-goods  lawful  prize,  in  the  veffel  of  a  friend,  contrary 
to  our  treaty,  though  revoked  at  one  time,  as  to  the  United  States,  has  been  fince  extended 
to  their  veffels  a  lib,  as  has  been  recently  ftated  to  us  : — Reprefentations  on  this  fubje^t 
will  be  immediately  given  in  charg*  to  our  minifter  there,  and  the  rel'ult  fiiall  be  commu- 
nicated tothelegillature. 

It  is,  with  extreme  concern,  I  have  to  inform  you,  thai  the  proceedings  of  the  peribn, 
whom  they  have  unfortunately  appointed  their  minifter  plenipotentiary  here,  have  brea- 
thed nothing  of  the  friendly  fpirit  of  the  nation  which  fent  him  ;  their  tendency,  on  the 
contrary,  has  been  to  involve  us  in  war  abroad,  and  dilcord  and  anarchy  at  home.  So 
far  as  his  atts,  or  thole  of  his  agents  have  threatened  our  immediate  commitment  in  the 
war,  or  flagrant  infult  to  the  authority  of  the  laws,  their  effect  has  been  counteiafted 
by  the  ordinary  cognizance  of  the  laws,  and  by  an  exertion  of  the  powersConnded  to  me. 
\Vheretheirdangerwasnotimminent,  they  have  been  borne  with,  from  femimems  of 
regard  to  his  nation  ;  from  a  fenfe  of  their  frieadihip  towards  us  ;  from  a  conviction,  that 
they  would  not  fufferus  to  remain  long  expoied  to  the  aclionof  a  peribn,  who  has  i'o  lit- 
tle refpeftedour  mutual  difpofitions  ;  and,  1  will  add,  from  a  reliance  on  the  firmnel's  of 
my  fellow-citizens,  in  their  principles  of  peace  and  order.  In  the  mean  time  I  have 
refpecled  and  puifued  the  ftipulations  of  our  treaties,  according  to  what  I  judged  their 
true  fenfe;  and  have  withheld  no  ait  of  friendlhip,  which  their  affairs  have  cal'ed  for 
from  us,  and  which  juftice  to  others  left  us  free  to  perform — I  have  gone  further. — Ra- 
ther than  employ  force  for  the  reflituiion  of  certain  veffels,  which  I  deemed  the  United 
States  bound  to  reftore,  I  thought  it  more  advifable  to  fatisfy  the  parties,  by  avowing  it  to 
be  my  opinion,  that  if  reftitution  were  not  made,  it  would  be  incumbent  on  the  Un  ltd 
States  to  make  compenfation.  The  papers  now  communicated  will  more  partkuJa=. 
prize  you  of  thefe  trai:  factions. 

The  vexations  and  fpoliarion,  underftcod  to  l-ave  been  committed  on  our   veifels  and 
-commeice,  by  the  cruifers  and  officers  of  fc,me  of  ihe  belligerent  powers,  appe*. . 


[      loo      .1 


require  at; ent'on.  Theproofsof  thefe,  however,  not  having  been  brought  forward,  the 
description  of  citizens  iuppoled  to  have  futTered,  were  notified,  that  on  furniftnng  them 
to  the  fe.xtcuti-e,  due  mea-tures  would  be  taken  to  obtain  redrefs  of  the  pail,  and  more 
tSeclual  p'O'^i.Giis  a-ainft  the  future.  .Should  finch  documents  be  furmfhed,  proper 
icprefentations  will  be  made  thereon,  with  ajuft  reliance  on  a  redrefs  pioportioned  to 
the  exigency  of  the  cai'e. 

The  Britifh  government  having  undertaken,  by  orders  to  the  commanders  of  their 
armed  veilels,  to  leftrain,  ge;, cully,  our  commutes,  ia  corn  and  other  provifions,  to 
their  own  ports,  and  thole  of  their  friends  the  inftruclions  now  communicated  were  im- 
mediately forwarded  to  our  minifter  at  that  court.  In  the  mean  time,  fome  difcuffions  on 
the  fubjeft  tooK  piace  between  him  and  them  ;  thefe  are  alfo  laid  before  you;  and  1  may 
expect  to  learn  theiefult  of  his  fpecial  inftruc'tions,  in  time  to  make  it  known  to  the  le- 
giilatUie,  dining  their  prefent  feHion. 

Very  early  after  the  arrival  of  a  Britifh  minifter  here,  mutual  explanations  on  the  inex- 
ecution  of  the  treaty  of  ,-eace  were  entered  into,  with  that  minifter:  thefe  are  now  laid 
before  you,  for  your  iniormafon. 

On  the  fobje&s  of  mutual  intereft  between  this  country  and  Spain,  negociatiom  and 
conferences  aie  now  depending.  The  public  goad  requiring  that  the  preient  ftate  of 
thefe  Hiould  be  in  fie  i-nown  to  the  lepi.jatuie,  in  confidence  cnly,  they  fhail  be  the  i'ub- 
jecr.  of  a  leparat-and  iubiequent  ceinmunication. 

G°.  WASHINGTON. 


N°.  II. 

Mfjjlige  of  the  Prcftdent  to  the  Senate  y  nominating  Mr.  jfay. 

April  i6th,    1794. 

GINTLEMEN  of  the  derate, — The  communications  which  I  have  made  to  you 
during  your  prefent  Sefficn,  from  the  dup.uehes  of  our  Minifter  in  London,  contain  a 
ferious  afpeift  of  our  aflaiis  with  Great  Bri:atn.  But  as  Peace  ought  to  be  purlued  with 
unremitted  zeal,  before  the  lad  lelbuice,  which  has  io  often  been  the  fcourge  of  nations, 
and  cannot  fail  to  check  the  advanced  profperity  of  the  United  States,  is  contemplated,  1 
have  thought  proper  to  nominate  and  Co  heieby  no.Timate  JOHN  JAV,  as  Envoy  Extra- 
ordinary of  the  United  States,  to  his  Britannic  Majefty.  My  conrioence  in  our  Minifter 
Plotupoten'.iaiv  in  London,  continues  unciminilhed  ;  bu".  a  miiiion  like  this,  while  it 
correfponos  with  the  iblemnlty  of  the  occaiion,  will  announce  to  the  world  a  folic'tude 
fora  friendly  &dji<Jlmcnt  of  titr  com^la-nts,  ana  a  relnclauce  to  hoftility.  Going  immedi- 
ately from  '.he  United  States,  iucn  an  Ln^oy  wi'ti  carry  with  him  a  f»ll  knowledge  of  the 
r;r?<?r  and  fenfibility  of  our  country  ;  and  will  thus  be  taught  to  vindicate  our 
i  ..is,  and  lu  cultivate  pfxcs  with  iincerity. 

N°.  III. 
..:md  Randolph  to  the  Preftdent. 

PHILADKLPHI  A  5th  Auguft,    1794* 

S  I 

THE  }'A'"  *:"f'»-'ts  \r.  the  reiehbourhood  of  Pi'tfburg appeared,  on  the  firft  ?nte!ligence 
o^  them,  to  be  e  '  Put    iubk^uent    ret'e^tion,    aud    the  C'.'iifc- 

-  an  t    ha- e-muhi;>ii<.d  them  in  my  mind  tenfold.   In- 
:h  would  convuffe  th"e  ekleft  governu 

.iji::;ou  on;  be  btu  faintly  conjevfu- 


[     ioi     l-/.\:..::-V:<..:<-;.:.^ 

At  our  firft  consultation,  in  your  prefence,  the  indienation,  which  we  ill  felt,  at  the 
ontn^es  committed,  created  a  deiire,  that  the  information  recer  eo  fhou'd  be  laid  before 
an  a'iociate  jufhce,  or  the  diftricl  judge  :  to  bee:  .-a:1  of  Mav  ?d,  1702. 

This  ftepwas  ureen  bv  the  neceTuy  of  underitandinr  v--!,t..out  deia /,  all  the  means  veiled 
in  the  Pretident,  tor  fupprefnng  thepro^refcof  the  mifchief.  A  car.non,  howe-er,  was 
prescribed  to  the  Attorney  General,  who  fubmit'ed  the  documents  to  the  Judge,  not  to 
exprefs  the  mod  diftant  Wifr  of  the  President  that  the  certhicate  fhould  be  granted. 

The  certificate  has  been  granted  ;  and  although  the  testimony  is  not  in  my  judgment, 
yet  in  fu.l;cient  le  al  form  to  become  the  ground  work  of  iucb  an  ait  ;  and  a  ju-'ge  ought 
not  a  priori  to  decide  that  the  MarOial  is  incompetent  to'  fupprei's  the  combinations  by 
the  -poffe  comhatus,  yet  the  certiorate,  If  it  be  minute  enough,  is  cbncluir  e.  that,  "  in 
"  the  counties  of  Walhington  and  Allegnan .  in  ?eunlylvania,  laws  of  the  United  States 
"  are  oppofed,  and  the  execut  on  thereof  otOrucled  by  combinations  too  powerful  to  be 
"  fupi;rei  ed  by  the  ordinary  ccurie  of  judicial  proceedings,  or  by  the  powers  '  e^ed  in 
"  the  Marfhal  of  that  diftrict."  But  the  certificate  f^ecines  no  particular  law  which  has 
been  o,  oofed.  Th>s  defect  I  remarked  to  ludge  Wiifon,  from  whom  the  ceitiricatecame, 
and  oblerved  that  the  defign  of  the  law  being,  that  a  judge  fhould  point  out  to  the  ex- 
ec, ti  e  where  the  judic.ary  ftooJ  in  need  of  militan  aid,  it  v.-a-  fruftratedif  militarv  force 
fhoui'1  be  applied  to  ]<nvs,  which  the  judge  mi»ht  not  contemulate.  He  did  not  yield  to 
m  ,  ealaning;  anr.!  thereto:  e  I  prefum^  that  the  objection  will  not  be  received  againft 
the  aiiditv  of  the  c<mif  cate. 

Upo  •  the  fupi^ofitiou  of  its  being  -  aKd  a  power  arifes  to  the  Prefident  to  call  forth  the 
militia  of  Pennfylvania,  and  eventually  the  rniiitia  of  other  ftates,  which  fnav  be  con- 
venient. But  as  the  law  does  not  compel  the  Pretident  to  array  the  militia  in  c.onfequence 
of  the  certiucate,  and  renders  it  lawful  only  for  him  fo  to  uo ;  the  grand  enquiry  is, 
vrhe'.her  !•:  be  expedient  to  oercile  this  power  at  this  time. 

Ou  many  occa  ions  have  1  contended  ;  that  whenfoe-  ei  military  coercion  is  to  be  refor- 
ted  to  in  fuppo.  t  jf  lav,-,  the  ii.i.it'.a  aie  the  true,  proper,  and  only  inilr^ments  which  ought 
to  be  emplo>ed.  But  a  calm  tir.ey  of  the  Ihuation  of  the  United  States  has  prefented 
thel-  c'an^ers,  and  th^ie  object >ons,  and  banifnes  every  idea  of  calling  them  into  imme- 
diate action  : 

i.  A  radical  and  universal  diffatisfadtion  with  the  excife  pervades  the  four  tranfmontane 
counties  of  Pennfylvania,  having  more  than  lixty  three  thoufana  louis  in  the  whble,  and 
more  than  fifteen  ihotifand  white  maies  above  the  age  of  fixteen.  The  counties  on  the 
eaitern  fide  of  the  moun:ain,  and  fome  other  populous  counties,  are  infected  by  hmilar 
prejudices,  inferior  in  degree,  and  dormant,  but  not  exti  guifhed. 

a.  Several  counties  in  Virginia,  having  a  ftrong  militia,  participate  in  thefe  feel- 
ings. 

3.  The  infurgents  theinfelves,  numerous,  are  more   clofely   united  by  like  dangers, 
•with  friends  and  kindred,  fcattered  abroad  in  different   places,  who  vriil   enter   into  all 
t!ie  apprehenfions,  and  combine  in  all  the  precautions  of  i'afety,  adopted  by  them. 

4.  As  foon,  too,  as  any  event  of  eclat  fhall  occur,  a  round  which  perfons,  difcontente4 
on  other  principles,   whether  of  a  eriion  to  the  government  or  diiguft  with  any  meaiurcs 
•f  the  adminiirrarion,  may  rally,   they    will  make  a  common  caufe. 

5.  The  Governor  of  Pennfylvania  has  declared  his  opinion  tobe.^that  the  militia,  which 
can  be  drawn  forth,  will  be  unequal  to  the  taik. 

6.  If  the  militia  of  other  ftates  are  to  be  called  forth,  it  is  not  a  decided   thing,  that 
many  of  them  may  not  refute.     And  if  they  comply,  is  nothing  to  be  apprehended  from 
a  ilrong  cement  growing  between    all   the  militia  of  ?enuf  I'.ama,  when  they  perceive, 
that,  another  mihtia  is  to  be  introduced  into  the  boiom  of  the.r  country  <  I  he  experiment 
is  at  leart  untried. 

7.  Ihe  expence  of  a  military  expedition  will  be  very  great  ;   and  with  a  devouring 
Indian  war,  the  commencement  of  a  navy,  the  fum  to  be  expended  for  obta.nmg  a  peace 
•with  Algiers,  the  deftruCtion  of  our   mercantile  capital  by  8ritifh  depredations,   the    un- 
certainty of  war  or  peace  with  Great  Britain,  the  impatience  of  the  pejple  uncier  encreaf- 
ed  taxes,  the  pun^ual  fuppoit  of  our  credit  ; — it  behoves  thofe.     wno    manage  our  .ilcal 
matters  to  be  lure  of  their  pecuniary  refources,  when  ib  great  a  field  of  new  and  unex- 
pected expence  is  to-be  opened. 

8.  Is  there  any   appropriation  of  jnoney,  which  can    be   immediately  devoted  to  this 
ufe  ?  If  not  how  can  money  be  drawn  ?  It  is  laid  that  appropriations  are  to  the  T.\  ar  de- 
part ment  generally  ;  but  it  may  deierve  enquiry,  whether  they  were  not  made  upon  pat- 
Ocular  ftatemcnts  of  *  kind  of  iervice,  eflentially  diftinct  from  the  one  propoiei. 

o 


'[      102      ] 


g.  If  the  intelligence  of  the  overtures  of  the  Britifh  to  the  Weftern  counties  be  true, 
and  the  inhabitants  mould  be  driven  to  accept  their  aid,  the  fuppliesof  the  weftern  army, 
• — the  weftern  aimy  itfelf  may  be  deflroyed  ;  the  re-union  of  that  country  to  the  United 
Stares  will  be  impracticable  ;  and  we  muft  be  engaged  in  a  Britifh  war.  If  the  intelli- 
gence be  probable  onlv ,  how  difficult  will  it  be  to  reconcile  the  world  to  believe, 

that  we  hare  been  confident  in  our  conducl ;  when,  after  running  the  hazard  of  mortally 
offending  the  French  by  the  pimclilious  obfervance  of  neutrality;  after  deprecating  the 
wraih  of  the  Englifh  by  every  poflible  ad  of  government ;  after  the  requeft  for  the  fui- 
penfion  of  the  fettlement  at  Prefque  Hie,  which  has  in  fome  meafure  been  founded  on 
the  poffibility  of  Great  Britain  being  roufed  to  arms  by  it  ;  we  purfue  mealures,  which 
threaten  coilliion  with  Great  Britain  and  which  are  mixed  with  the  blood  of  our  fellow- 
citizens. 

10.  If  mifcarriage  fhould  befal  the  United  States  in  the  beginning,  what  may  not  be 
the  confequence  ?  And  if  this  fhould  not  happen,  is  it  poflible  to  foreiee  what  may  be  the 
effeft  of  ten,  twenty,  or  thirty  thoufand  of  our  citizens  being  drawn  into  the  field  againft 
as  many  more.     "J  here  is  another  enemy  in  the  heart  of  the  Southern  ftates,  who  would 
not  fleep  with  fuch  an  opportunity  of  advantage. 

1 1.  It  is  a  fad  well  known  that  the  parties  in  the  United  States  are  highly  imflamed 
againft  each  other ;  and  that  there  is  but  one  character  which  keeps  both   in  awe.     As 
loon  as  the  fwordiliall  be  drawn* to  reftiain  them. 

On  this  fubjeift  the  fouls  of  fome  good  men  bleed  :  They  have  often  afked  t'lemfelves 
why  they  are  always  fo  jealous  of  military  power,  whenever  it  has  been  propoied  to  be 
exerc.fed  under  the  form  of  a  fuccour  to  the  civil  authority  ?  How  has  it  happened  that 
with  a  temper,  not  addided  to  fufpicion,  nor  unfriendly  to  thofe  who  propcfe  military 
f  >;ce,  they  do  not  court  the  fhining  reputation  which  is  acquired  by  being  always  ready 
for  ftrong  meafures.  This  is  the  leafon  ;  that  they  are  confident  that  they  know  the  ulti- 
mate fenfe  of  the  people  ;  that  the  will  of  the  people  muft  fores  its  way  in  the  govern- 
ment ;  that,  notwithftanding  the  indignation  which  may  be  raifed  againft  the  iniurgents  ; 
yet  if  mealures,  unneceflarily  harm,  difproportionably  harfh,  <and  without  a  previous  trial 
of  every  thing,  which  law  or  the  fp;rit  of  conciliation  can  do,  be  executed,  that  indigna- 
r'on  will  gh  e  way,  and  the  people  will  be  eftranged  from  the  adminiihation,  which  made 
the  experiment.  There  is  a  fecond  reafon  ;  one  motive,  attuned  in  argument,  for  calling 
forth  the  militia,  has  been,  that  a  government  can  never  be  fa:d  to  be  eftablifhed,  until 
iome  hgnal  dilp'av  has  manifefted  its  power  of  military  coercion.  This  maxim,  if  in- 
i.  wouid  heap  curfes  upon  the  government.  The  ftrength  of  a  government  is  the 
a.fctLon  of  the  people  ;  and  while  that  is  maintained,  e*  ery  invader,  e  ery  infurgent, 
will  as  ce;  ta:nly  count  upon  the  tear  of  its  flrength,  as  if  it  had  with  one  army  of  ritizens 
mown  down  another 

Let  the  p.-trties  in  the  United  States  be  ever  kindled  into  adion,  fentiments  like  thefe 
wiu  juoduce  a  name,  which  will  not  terminate  in  a  common  revolution. 

Knowing,  Sii,  a..  [  do,  the  motives,  which  go'  em  you  in  ofr.ce,  I  was  certain  that  you 
would  be'anxiouato  mitigate  as  far  as  you  thought  it  pradicab'e,  the  military  couife 
which  hd*  been  recommended.  You  ha"e  accordingly  iufpenderl  the  foice  of  the  preced- 
ing obier-ations,  by  determining  not  to  call  forth  the  militia  immediately  to  aclion,  and 
to  lend  comuUIioners,  who  may  explain  and  adjuft  if  poflible  the  prefent  difcon- 
tents. 

iii~  next  tjueftion  then  is,  whether  the  militia  fliall  be  direftcd  to  hold  themfelves  in 
rcaJineis ;  or  (]. all  not  be  fummoned  at  all? 

•a  has  been  luppofed  by  fome gentkmen,  that  when  reconciliation  is  offered  with  one 
terror  fhould  be  borne  in  the  other;    and  that   a  fall  amnefty  and  oblivion   fliall 
not  be  ".  anted,  unlefs  the  excife  laws  be  complied  with  in  the  fulleft  manner. 

YY.tha  language  fuch  as  this,  the  overturescf  peace  will  be  confidered  delufive  by  the 
ii'furgents  and  the  moftof  thewond.      It   will  be  faid   and  believed,  that   the   delign  of 
1    ;  iinr:  r^.'j'imifTioners  w a:-  only  to  glofs  ovei  hoilility  ;   to  endea-our  to  divide  ;   to   found 
th<   ftrrnsth  of  the  infurgents;   to  difco-.-er  the  moK.  culpable  peifons,  to  be  marked  out  for 
'unent;   totempon  ii^reis  can  be  prevailed  upon   to   order^fujther  force, 

or  i-ie  wi'flcrn  army  ivav  b,  a;  l^iaro  frrm  the  iava^es.^ro   be  turned    uport-'the    iniur- 
anc,  u  j;nus  will  b<.  :  cannot  Ic  here  enumerated. 

:;ha,uiediu  3reat   Kvlrain,  they  were  dif- 

ed,  abcountoa*.}.-        '  mUlicm  ;    hi^a.ie    it   could    not  be  expected,   fhe 

,]f'  V)C   .'ira -on'-ifd  n  il  to  a  ccitaiii  ]ioint  tliew  4tfelf  to  be   the  fame,  . 

e  en  amoncr  ihe  A I  u  ns.      'i  !u-  inni.on  will,  J  fear,  fail;   though  it  would 

i     ;o  me  the   moit  giati  I'm  c^cuuei.ce  in  life  to  nnd  iuy  piediflion  talliiied.     If  il  c:o«s 

*   fbsre  is  a  blank  ///  i1^  phce  In  ih  c<*J>y  j>rrj\  rV#L 


3 


fail,  and  in  confequence  of  the  disappointment  the  militia  fhould  be  required  toacl,  then 
will  return  that  fatal  train jot  events,  which  I  have  ftated  above,  to  be  fufpended,  for 
the  prefent. 

What  would  be  the  inconvenience  of  delay?   The   vefult    of  the   miffion   would  bs 
known  in  four  weeks,   and  the  Preiident  would  be  matter  of  his  meailres,  without  an/ 
previous  commitment.     Four  weeks  could  n^r.   render  the  infurgents  mo;e  formidable: 
that  fpace    of  time  might  render  them  lefsib,  by  affording  room  for  rerleftion  :  and  the 
government  will  i  ave  a   fufficient  feafon  rema:nmg  to  aftion.     Until  every  peaceabi 
attempt   fhall  bfe  exhaufted,  it  is  not  clear  to  me,  that  as  foon  as  the  call  is  made,  and  t* 
proclamation  iilued,   the  m  lir:ama>-  not  enter  Into  ibme  combination,  whicn  will  fat*V 
the  infurgents,  thai  they  need  fear  nothing  from  them,  and  fpread  thofe  combina^ns 
amon?  the  militia. 

My  opinion  therefore  is,  that  the  com  miflRoners  will  be  furnifhed  with  enough"  the 
fcore  of  terror,  when  they  announce,  that  the  Prefident  is  in  polleffion  of  the  create 
of  the  judge.  It  will  confiim  the  humanity  of  the  million  ;  and  notwhhftand;^  fome 
men  might  pay  encomiums  on deci'ion.  vigor  of  nerves,  6cc.  Sec  if  the  militia  v^re  fum- 
moned  to  be  held  in  readinefs;  the  majority  would  conceive  the  merit  of  the  «iffion  in- 
complete if  this  were  to  be  done. 

It  will  not,  however,  be  fuppofed,  that  I  mean  that  thefe  outrages  are  to  afs  without 
animadverfion.  No,  Sir  That  the  authority  of  government  is  to  be  maintained  is 
not  lefs  my  pofuion,  than  that  of  others.  But  I  prefer  the  accompli flnne<t  of  this  by 
every  experiment  of  moderation  in  the  firft  inftance.  The  fteps,  therefore. which  I  would 
recommend,  are, 

1.  A  ferious  proclamation,  ftating  the  mifchief,  declaring  the  power poflefTed  by  the 
executive,  and  announcing,  that  it  is  withheld  from  motives  of  hu.Tiaiity  and  a  wiih  for 
conciliation. 

2.  Commiffioners,  properly  inftrucled  to  the  fame  objects. 

3.  If   they  fail  in  their  miffion  let  the  offenders  be  profecuted  ac-otding   to  law. 

4.  If   the   judiciary  authority  is,  after  this,  whhftood,  let  the  rolitia  be  called  out. 
Thefe  appear  to   me  to  be  the  only  means  lor  producing  unanirm)"  in  the  people;  and 

without  their  unanimity  government  may  be  mortified  and  defeat-'d. 

If  the  Prefident  fhall  determine  tooperate  with  the  militia,  it  vill  be  neceflary.  to  fub- 
mit  fume  animaci -erfions  upon  the  interpretation  of  the  law.  /oritought  ciofoly  to  be 
confidered,  whether  if  the  combinations  fhould  difperle,  the  execution  of  proceis  is  not 
to  be  left  to  the  Marfhal  and  h.s  pr-jfe.  But  thefe  will  be  defered,  ur.til  orders  friaii  b,c 
clifcuffed  for  the  militia  to  march. 

I  have  the  honor,  Sir,  to  be 

with  ;he  higlieft  refpeft.and  fmcereft  attachment, 
Yaar  moft  obedient  fervant, 
tDM:    RANTOLPH. 

The  .-  «    ;-t-s. 


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